ALMOST from Day One of the Jubilee Administration and until earlier this year, the political divides of the 2013 General Election remained as if cast in stone. Only once before in a Kenyan election cycle has such a lack of political fluidity been the case for longer – in the run-up to the March 4, 2013 poll.

It was widely assumed that devolution would decommission political flux for good. The return of flux in the political arena at this point in time and in this manner is all the more amazing for happening against the backdrop of devolution.

For the first time in post-Independence Kenya, the Presidency has lost many of its goodies distribution power, privilege and patronage to other centres of power – the 47 governors. Even the Presidency’s power to manoeuvre is at its most limited, thanks to the Constitution of Kenya 2010. For instance, State House can no longer punish an entire region.

The President has to strictly cleave to the Constitution, right down to parastatal appointments. And yet the phenomenon of flux has kicked in again, much to Cord’s detriment.

Before this, Jubilee has remained jubilant and Cord remained corded and the red line between incumbency and opposition was not crossed until now, with the exception of the appointment to the Cabinet of ODM legislators Joseph Nkaissery (Interior) and Dan Kazungu (Mining). They ceased being MPs and cannot engage in politics as long as they are ministers.

And then, suddenly, there was movement across party and coalition lines, with the ruling Jubilee Coalition attracting the first prospective hoppers and the opposition formation Cord seemingly on the defensive.

In the run-up to the 11^th General Election in 2013, fluidity did not kick in until less than six months before what was Kenya’s second only Presidential transition poll (the first had been Daniel Moi’s exit and Mwai Kibaki’s triumph in 2002).

In 2012 Ruto’s United Republican Party and Uhuru’s The National Alliance were formed in March and May respectively and formed the Jubilee Coalition on December 2 at Afraha Stadium when both men exchanged and donned party caps.

The UhuRuto ticket and the tyranny of numbers narrative were born.

With the return of flux in 2016, a dynamic situation is unfolding. And it is happening earlier than the crafting of the UhuRuto alliance, exactly a year before the 12^th General Election. As with 2013, there is no telling where it will go, but we may speculate and point out that the massive difference this time round is that UhuRuto enjoy all the benefits of incumbency.

And although fluidity goes both ways, people run towards power, not away from it, at historical junctions such as this one, especially in Kenyan presidential politics. Jubilee is giving the impression that its second term is as good as in the bag as all it has to do is broaden its massive base.

Inside Cord, the prospect of another five-year cycle out of government at the national level is being considered as out of the question at the top but at lower levels there appear to be more people than expected even as recently as three months ago who increasingly think that Jubilee is indeed the party of power – even in 2017.

Tensions will skyrocket inside both coalitions. The ruling Jubilee has embarked on a seemingly herculean task – trying to rope in ODM/Cord’s Western vote bloc, an opposition epicenter. Jubilee has also gone for the Kisii, Coast and Eastern blocs, with both President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto meeting with delegations of selected Cord legislators both at State House and at the DP’s Sugoi home and official residence in Karen, Nairobi.

Some Western strategists have gone so far as to demand that Jubilee offer the Nairobi Governor position to a Western candidate, the frontrunner for now being Water CS Eugene Wamalwa. Also demanded by the Western prospective defectors is the position of Speaker of the 12^th Parliament, again to a non-Mt Kenyan and non-Rift Valley candidate but preferably Western figure.

And then on Tuesday President Kenyatta launched the merger of a dozen ruling coalition affiliate parties into the Jubilee Party in State House grounds, Nairobi. It was an unusual move. First it was billed on Monday as a Presidential address to the nation concerning the new Jubilee Party that would be broadcast live nationwide.

On Tuesday morning it turned out to be the merger itself, from State House! This was unprecedented. Not even founding President Jomo Kenyatta used State House for party political purposes. Even his successor Daniel arap Moi, under whom Kanu reached its single-party heyday as the only legitimate political party, confined Kanu events and announcements to Kanu Headquarters and Secretariat at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre.

As long ago as 1966, before the KICC was built and a number of floors reserved for Kanu HQ, Jomo and Tom Mboya, Kanu’s first and most powerful secretary general, staged founding Vice President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s downfall at the Limuru Conference Centre, in what was dubbed the Limuru Conference. They could have used State House if they had so wished, but they kept a firm divide between State and party affairs.

The Jubilee Party’s sheer size, the unprecedented merger in State House’s Rose Garden and the ruling coalition’s incumbency swagger (it runs on a narrative of being in office until 2028) are all meant to paint the picture of the JP as the Party of Government.

The JP’s much-expanded outreach is not yet necessarily an expanded base. By reaching out far beyond the Mt Kenya and Rift Valley factors, the JP is taking high risks at a most sensitive time. The idea of Wamalwa as the next Nairobi Governor has sparked off massive resentment and frustration among the Jubilee faithful and loyalists in the capital city and the extended Mt Kenya region.

Those who are dead set against the Wamalwa proposal include Dagoretti MP Dennis Waweru, whose supporters are in no doubt whatever can win and make an outstanding Governor.

There is a serious problem here for Jubilee, especially given the treatment meted out by a Central Kenya audience to elder statesman Noah Wekesa, a Westerner, the co-chairman of the Jubilee Party National Steering Committee alongside Meru Senator Kiraitu Murungi.

This former long-serving Cabinet minister had to be whisked away by his security and regular police from a function at the iconic Ufungamano House at which he was presiding over a defection from Cord to Jubilee when a youthful, non-opposition crowd turned rowdy.

Should this sort of scene become more frequent, including in such hotspots as Maasailand and Kisiiland, it could pose a major complication for Jubilee.

Two trends could emerge – the inflow into Jubilee of Cord defectors could seriously hurt the ruling party’s loyalists.

Inside Cord, the departure of figureheads who cannot countenance five more years out in the cold at the national government level has yet to show definitive signs that they have moved with substantial sections of their vote blocs. If it does, the die is cast.

The beginning of the return of flux, the resignations from Raila’s ODM of the then secretary general Ababu Namwamba and vice-chairman Paul Otuoma, who nonetheless remain MPs, was initially dismissed as of no consequence. But the former PM promptly visited Western and held almost 40 meetings, urging his largest vote bloc not to follow the “defectors”.

There is a long tradition in Western of the vote bloc not following presumptive defectors, including two consecutive VPs of the Republic, whose elevated positions seemed to count for nothing when it most mattered to the individuals concerned and the government of the day.

Raila’s tours of Western in Namwamba and Otuoma’s wake put on a brave face but were undoubtedly meant to detect any shifts at the grassroots.

Before the return of the flux it was almost unthinkable that Cord stalwarts such as Namwamba and Otuoma could try so vigorously to rock the boat in the name of “the Mulembe nation joining government”.

The same day President Kenyatta unveiled the merger in State House grounds, former Raila ally and implacable Jubilee foe William ole Ntimama led a delegation of Maasai supporters in announcing the community’s desire to rejoin government. Ntimama was one of Prime Minister Odinga’s most steadfast backers during the Grand Coalition regime.

Ntimama spoke of wide and deep consultation within the Maasai community resulting in the decision to back Jubilee. “

“We Maasais have spoken and we have decided to support you and join Jubilee,” the elder statesman of the community told President Kenyatta. Ntimama also assured Uhuru he would visit all the Maasai-speaking regions and rally support for the Jubilee Party.

The big picture is that Cord is losing people to Jubilee for the first time but the big question remains whether these folk are moving with meaningful sections of their vote blocs. Both this picture and question can only be clarified and resolved on Election Day.

In response to a declaration of intent by President Uhuru, Governor Munya, NCIC Chair Francis ole Kaparo and others to combat hate speech during the campaign period that is most fertile period for its propagation, Raila argues he does not know what animal hate speech is and any effort to stop its propagation will amount to curbing freedom speech. I beg to differ.

First, I don’t believe that Raila does not know what ethnic hate speech is. Certainly Raila knows what hate speech is but feigns ignorance because it is an ally in his political wars.

Let me reiterate here that negative ethnicity that hate speech propagates is the only demon and foe that comes to us as a friend, liberator and ally promising us power and heaven when its real intention is to give us hell.

But having spent many years fighting for freedom and democracy that have yet to be fully acquired, Raila ought to be in the forefront of fighting for these objectives whose leading foes are negative ethnicity and hate speech, not defending them in the name of free speech.

In case Raila has forgotten, hate speech is propagation of negative ethnicity, hate, ethnic divisions, genocide and holocaust.

Notwithstanding, my friend Raila seems to believe that all is fair in love and war which includes politics and in the hunt for votes, the end justifies the means, which include negative ethnicity and hate speech. But then the Bible asks, what would it benefit anybody, to gain the whole world but lose one’s soul?

I could hardly believe when I heard Raila opposing intentions to fight negative ethnicity and its propagator hate speech arguing people should be free to engage in hate speech during the unfolding campaign period when negative ethnicity is most lethal.

At first I thought this was a slip of the tongue. Then I remembered that when eight legislators were arrested and detained in police custody, Raila stood firmly with them and never once condemned the offense for which they are undergoing prosecution. Now I believe Raila did not condemn hate speech then because he believes in it as a tool of Cord politics.

Whom then should Kenyans follow between Jubilee Alliance Party and its leaders who say that Kenyans should never again kill or spill the blood of one another either because of political or ethnic differences or Cord leaders who identify people by their ethnic names and forever hesitate to condemn negative ethnicity and hate speech?

Most Kenyans have already seen the dire consequences of hate speech during the 2007/8 post election violence that led to the deaths of more than 1300 Kenyans that resulted from negative ethnicity that hate speech propagated through vernacular radios, some English media and social media whose spread of negative ethnicity Raila is now defending if not propagating.

But our post election violence is not the only experience that can teach Kenyans why they ought to avoid negative ethnicity and hate speech like leprosy. In 1994, Rwanda underwent genocide of nearly one million people while under the intoxication of negative ethnicity. But before Rwanda, DRC had lost more than 3 million casualties of negative ethnicity while ethnic genocide killed more than 800,000 in Uganda.

When we suffered our genocide of 1333 Kenyans, we said Never Again but many don’t believe it. Hence, we continue to be hypnotized by negative ethnicity with its promise of votes, power and the whole world.

Unfortunately, we know anything that negative ethnicity and hate speech promises will never be because it will be consumed by the Armageddon that negative ethnicity is certain to generate when it is finally embraced by all our leaders.

Eradication of negative ethnicity is the one thing that any worthwhile Kenyan leader should be willing to die and give up power for. We should therefore not propagate or protect hate speech. While it might get us elected as president, MPs, Senators and MCAs, its amalgamation will certainly consume our country Kenya.

If only Raila could believe in the elimination of hate speech, the crusade against negative ethnicity would be half won. Inshallah.

Koigi Wa Wamwere is a political activist and former Subukia MP

THE air of inevitability around the outcome of next year’s Presidential election seems to have shifted many politicians’ focus to 2022, on both sides of the political divide.

It is widely being taken for granted that President Uhuru Kenyatta will secure a second term. The focus is therefore shifting to the 2022 race, in which he cannot be a contender after two full terms. The race for the Kenyatta Succession is starting half-a-dozen years early.

Sceptics in the opposition Cord, convinced that incumbent presidents in Africa pull out all the stops to remain in office and so will the President, have started to entertain a sense of resignation that Kenyatta, regardless of his performance, is highly likely to retain his job.

The 2022 race, pundits say, could be less of a hurdle because there will be no incumbent around whom the Jubilee establishment could coalesce. 

The rush by politicians for a vantage point in 2022 in both Jubilee and Cord has sparked off a series of dogfights, as leaders at the grassroots wrestle for political supremacy, leaving the political scene in a state of flux.

But pundits view the rush as only benefiting the politicians as the rallies have barely touched on matters that affect wananchi, especially bread and butter issues.

“It is not about the empowerment of the people, but individual, selfish politicians empowering themselves,” says International Conflict and Policy Center Director Ndung’u Wainaina.

Leaders in both Jubilee and Cord strongholds interested in 2022 are busy mobilising.

In Uhuru’s Jubilee camp, where there is a confident feeling that the President will be reelected, the focus is increasingly on 2022 and the early lobbying has brought on board religious leaders, musicians, professionals and artists. Musicians in Central Kenya are famous for their political mobilising abilities and hit songs have addressed everything from assassinations to retaining power over the years.

Young ambitious politicians are planning knowing that an Uhuru endorsement towards 2022 will heavily rely on how well the Jubilee government will have performed after two consecutive terms in power. And although corruption and bad governance have made a serious dent in Jubilee’s image in the first term, they are unlikely to be decisive issues in a presidential poll either next year or in 2022. 

Raila’s strongholds have not been left out of early strategizing. Insiders are already jostling to take up the Raila mantle, assuming he retires or is seriously weakened if he does not win next year.

A number of Cord politicians calculate that Raila, if not elected in 2017, might not have the clout to endorse a candidate in 2022 and have therefore a better chance fighting for regional supremacy. They  include Budalang’i MP Ababu Namwamba, Bungoma Senator Moses Wetang’ula, Mombasa Governor Hassan Joho, Mombasa Senator Omar Hassan, Busia Governor Sospeter Ojaamong, Funyula MP Paul Otuoma, Kakamega Governor Wycliffe Oparanya and Kakamega Senator Bonny Khalwalwe. Some unwaveringly support the former Prime Minister, while others will only be too happy to see him lose.

Both the Uhuru and Raila camps believe they are in charge of the 2017 elections. But surprise developments could see leaders at the constituency and the county levels take autonomous positions as well as state their political interests without fear of intimidation from their respective regional kingpins. The Cord and Jubilee rebels could opt to defect or form new parties to safeguard their ambitions.  

Traditionally, politicians have used tribal intrigue for personal gain, be it in landing top jobs, getting government contracts and handouts. Some also ride on non-existent support to influence millions in a bid to get favours from both the opposition and the government of the day.

The Star’s Siasa Desk has learnt that Uhuru, Ruto and Raila are focused on grassroots challenges, which if left unresolved could undermine their support bases.

Silent succession battles are being waged in four regions, including Coast, Western, Mount Kenya and the Rift Valley. These regions represent about 70 per cent of the 14.4 million voters in Kenya.

 “We are prepared and we will field people across all the positions from the MCA to the Presidency level,” said Kanu secretary general Nick Salat.

Salat said Kanu does not have any agreement with any party or coalition, not even Jubilee and Amani.

 “We don’t want suffocation here [Rift Valley] and that is why we are telling our competitors that no one should wake up one morning and assume he can dictate to us. No one should tell us that he has the final say on the Rift Valley electorate. Let the electorate decide the strongest party in Rift Valley and the country after the elections,” said Salat, in reference to Deputy President William Ruto’s claim of control over the Rift Valley vote bloc.

Other rebels in Rift Valley are Nandi Hills MP Alfred Keter, MPs Zakayo Cheruiyot (Kuresoi South) and Oscar Sudi (Kapseret), who have vowed they will not join the Jubilee Party.

Bomet Governor Isaac Rutto has launched his new party, the Mashinani Development Party of Kenya (MDPK). Baringo Senator Gideon Moi leads Kanu and is strengthening his party ahead of the 2017 elections. The last-born and favourite son of former President Daniel Moi has capitalized on his father’s networks to grow his career. This has forced DP Ruto to increase his campaign visits to Baringo and Bomet in a bid to quell the rebellion. He has also held several rallies coupled with the launch of development projects in the region to undercut Kanu’s activities in the area.

 “I will not allow William Ruto to dictate to me or force my people into one sack like potatoes,” Gideon said via Facebook on Tuesday last week.

He went on: “I respect Ruto as the DP, but for him to interfere with my work and insult me and my party Kanu is really unfortunate and uncalled for. Our competitors should know that Kanu has awakened and should brace themselves for a bruising battle during the next general election because every corner of the country was willing to join us. I have not spoken yet and when I speak, it will be unstoppable.”

Gideon noted they share the goal of transforming lives but said he will not do so under duress.

Inside Jubilee, succession murmuring has extended to Embu, Meru and Mbeere, where politicians claim it is their turn to be supported by the Gema community for the country’s top job after Uhuru. This development has seen President Kenyatta and DP Ruto tour the regions to launch projects and struggle to appease restive grassroots.

The DP has been active in Mount Kenya conducting fundraisers, hoping his generosity might endear him to the region in 2022.  Uhuru has also tasked the DP to take charge of the Jubilee Party, his political vehicle for 2022. Meru Senator Kiraitu Murungi was brought on board to tame Meru Governor Peter Munya. Munya has joined the PNU to reclaim his governor’s position and demanded Mount Kenya support Meru for the presidency in 2022.

Mombasa residents should be ready for another spat between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Governor Hassan Joho, if the governor’s remarks are anything to go by.

Joho said on Friday he will not accept to be treated like a subordinate leader when Uhuru arrives in Mombasa later this week.

The President was in Mombasa on a month-long visit in December and January, but for the first two weeks, he did not invite Joho to any of his functions.

This caused friction between the two leaders, with Joho publicly accusing Uhuru of disrespecting him during a function in Likoni, where the President issued title deeds to occupants of the 900-acre Waitiki Farm.

“I heard they announced they are coming back here. We are watching and waiting for them. This time we will tell them to their face, no fearing anyone,” Joho said on Friday when he toured projects in Vikwatani, Kisauni constituency.

“You can’t be in government, do nothing for us, then you disappear only to resurface close to the general election and say you want to meet Coast leaders.”

Joho said the Coast people are wiser now. “If you think you will come here and call people to State House and expect them to come running, my friend, you have lost focus,” Joho said.

Uhuru is expected in Mombasa on Saturday to officially open the new retail centre at Kongowea market, which he ordered completed in January.

He will also open the Agricultural Society of Kenya show in Mkomani and the second container terminal at the Mombasa port.

The retail centre was the subject of another cold war between the national and the county government on who should officially open the building.

In June this year, two people were killed in a wave of clashes that rocked a trading centre at the common border between Nandi and Kisumu counties.

Although the police blamed it on the age-old tradition of cattle rustling, there are reasons to believe that the outdated tradition was only a trigger, but there are underlying causes.

The two counties are separated by a dirt road, with the south being in Kisumu and the north, Nandi. But some leaders from Nandi say the border line should be the railways line, some 3 kilometres into Kisumu county.

The incident at Kopere trading centre is not the only dispute pitting counties. Two people were killed in July over a border dispute between Trans Mara West and Kuria East. Five others were killed over a dispute pitting two communities in Trans Mara East and Trans Mara West.

Meru and Isiolo counties have also been wrangling over border areas in Kisima, Chumvi Yarre, Gambella and Tractor. Isiolo is accusing the Meru government of planning to grab parts of the border to take advantage of a multi-billion resort city project proposed under Vision 2030.

In the dispute, which is pending in court, Isiolo leaders allege that powerful Meru leaders interfered with the county boundaries during the colonial era.

Meru is also in court with Tharaka Nithi county. But this time, Meru is accusing Tharaka Nithi of encroaching on its land. In the court papers, Meru county accuses Tharaka Nithi County of purporting to exercise administrative powers in Kwangombe, Thangatha, Kiburine, Kiamuri ‘B’ and Mutonga River.

Their lawyer Tom Ojienda says Tharaka Nithi has been levying taxes on Meru residents living within the disputed areas thereby subjecting them to double taxations.

“Despite the public knowledge of the state of insecurity within the disputed areas and the numerous pleas by the administration of the office of the Governor of Meru County, the CS Interior there has been no deployment of security personnel in the disputed areas,” Ojienda said.

Meru county alleges that there is tension in the area, caused by vigilante groups, who have mushroomed to allegedly fight for “their land”.

Kisii has been fighting with Nyamira county over Keroka town and Mwabundisi scheme while leaders from Kisumu and Vihiga counties have traded accusations over Maseno town.

In the northern part of the country, Turkana and Baringo both lay claim of Kapedo, where 21 police officers were massacred a few years ago. Whereas leaders from Baringo East claim that the Kapedo and Lomelo areas belong to them, those from Turkana disagree.

Turkana leaders say the disputed areas lie in Turkana East and have always been administered by Turkana county. They maintain that Turkana has possession of documents, including a 1963 boundary map, showing that the area are in Turkana county.

A Senate report recently showed that the proposed Konza techno city is in Machakos county. The report was based on boundary descriptions contained in the 1992 Districts and Provinces Act. The report says that 5,000-acre piece of land, falls within Machakos district, from which Makueni district was later curved out in 1992.

When contacted, Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission CEO Ezra Chiloba said the commission has no mandate over the county boundaries. He said the constitution anticipates Parliament to set up an independent commission to deal with the matter.

Article 188 of the Constitution provides the procedure for amending the boundaries of Counties. The said Article provides for the establishment of an Independent Commission by Parliament [Senate and the National Assembly] to consider the question of alternation of boundaries of a County.

But before that happens, the Commission on Administrative Justice chairperson Otiende Amollo says it is important that President Uhuru Kenyatta forms, as quickly as possible, tasj force to deal with the issue of boundaries.

Amollo says the situation is grave adding that the country is living on the edge. “The country is already politically divided and only needs a small trigger. With that reality, you do not want to add the border dispute,” he said.

He says CAJ wrote an advisory to the President last year, urging him to form an independent commission. “It is in his (the President) interest that the state remains cohesive. No other person can do it. He has the ability to do it,” he added.

The Ombudsman added that the said commission might not complete the disputes before next year's polls but setting it up will diffuse tension.

In the advisory to the President last year, the Ombudsman identified two perspectives on the boundaries disputes. “First, disputes regarding the actual boundaries of the counties and secondly, disputes on the allegation that the current boundaries are unfair since they are based on historical injustices.”

The Ombudsman says that an analysis of the Constitution reveals that the function vests in the President in the context of safeguarding the sovereignty of the Republic as per Article 131(2)(b) as read with Article 6(1) and the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution.

“This should be achieved by assigning a Task Team to survey and place the beacons. This, the President may do directly, or through the relevant Cabinet Secretary,” read the Advisory.

The commission noted, “The controversies have created tension and taken violent dimensions in some cases leading to loss of lives and property, and displacement of people in the specific areas where they have happened.”

The National Land Commission vice chairperson Abigail Mukolwe said the boundary dispute was outside their mandate but the commission has been encouraging alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.

The commission has, for example, has agreed to meet elders from Trans Mara East and West, where five people have been killed and more than 80 houses burned, to ensure a proper land demarcation and allotment of title deeds is done in order to ensure lasting peace.

The First Schedule in the constitution outlines the 47 counties which form the present County Governments. The establishment of the 47 counties was guided by the Districts and Provinces Act, 1992, Chapter 105A, which clearly and

comprehensively delineated the boundaries of the then existing 46 Districts and Nairobi City. The districts eventually became the present counties.

Amollo said the special task force should comprise representatives of the Department of Surveys, Department of Lands and other relevant technocrats to affix the beacons as per the Districts and Provinces Act to establish the boundaries of all Counties.

A man and his daughter were killed by a mob on Saturday night on suspicion of bewitching a boy who had just been circumcised.

The 78 year-old man and his daughter Dina Nasike, 40, were attacked in Lukala village, Sirisia, at about 9pm.

The man's wife, 73, was rescued from the mob by the area chief and taken to a nearby administration police camp.

Residents claimed the man and his daughter caused the death of Amos Wanjala, 12, one of many boys circumcised the previous week.

"Wanjala developed complications three days later and was rushed to Bungoma referral hospital and then to Moi in Eldoret. Doctors said that the boy was not sick after tests were done," a neighbour said.

The man is said to have uttered words that villagers linked to the boy's death.

Another neighbour named Stephen Maeni told journalists this was not the first time the man was implicated in witchcraft.

He claimed the man, his wife and daughter had previously been accused of using charms to kill people.

Ben Walucho, the man's brother, dismissed the witchcraft claims saying they resulted from a long-standing dispute between the families.

Sirisia MP aspirant Moses Nandalwe condemned the incident terming it "very unfortunate".

He urged residents to lave criminal cases to police.

NO one can deny that Sam Wakiaga is a household name – where he comes from and farther afield. As literary icon Chinua Achebe would put it, even if you ask in his tiny Rusinga village on the shores of Lake Victoria or in the faraway city, they will tell you, “Sam is a man of the people”.

Over the years, he has been known as a businessman – including in the media. But unknown to many is the fact that Wakiaga worked for the National Intelligence Service, not as a spook, although he has a Master's degree in National Security Policy, but as head of Finance for close to two decades. He rose through the ranks from mere accountant to become Assistant Director in charge of Economic Affairs.

Despite holding a plum job in Nairobi and globetrotting, Wakiaga has traversed every corner of Homa Bay County. Philanthropy is his other calling: Wakiaga has helped disaster victims, up-and-coming musicians, fee-strapped students, widows, widowers and aided the construction of dozens of schools.

As Luo benga maestro Wally Jasuba sings, Wakiaga's development track record is unparalleled in Nyanza – and the people are pleading that he enter elective politics.

“I usually feel the urge to share with our people what God has given me. My joy is when I alleviate people’s misery and make them feel valued,” Wakiaga says of his philanthropy as we settle down for an interview in his Nairobi office.

For several years, there has been speculation that Wakiaga would run. In 2007, there was a strong push to have him take on Otieno Kajwang’, now deceased, for the Mbita parliamentary seat. That was not to be.

Wakiaga is now gunning for the Homa Bay gubernatorial position, a decision that has sent political shockwaves throiughout the competition.

“I believe my 28 years of experience in the civil service would be a good catch for my people . . . and the people themselves are the trigger of my candidature. They have felt that I can take them to the next level as Governor,” he says.

Wakiaga says there is no indication at all that Homa Bay county has received a staggering Sh24 billion since the advent of devolution in 2013.

“This sorry state of affairs is what I want to change. I have the experience, having handled much more than a county receives. But I left the NIS with clean hands. Not even a single scandal,” he proudly says.

“I gave my retirement notice in May. I opted to retire because we cannot leave Homa Bay county to continue as it is. People could be dead at the time I decide to go for the job,” he says.

NIS man with heart for helping the poor and less fortunate

1960: Born into the Kaswaga Clan, Rusinga Ward

1970: Started formal education at Homa Bay Primary School, CPE 1976

1977: Wang’apala Boys’ High School O level class of 1980

1982: Kenya Polytechnic, Diploma in Accounts

1984: Travelled to India for a Bachelor’s degree in Accounts

1989: Public Service Commission, district accountant, Tana River district

1990: Transferred to the Office of the President, district accountant, Directorate of Security Intelligence (DSI)

1995: DSI, head of Finance. He remained finance chief even when DSI was re-designated the National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) in 2000 and eventually the National Intelligence Service in 2010.

2013: Australia National University, Master’s degree, National Security Policy

Quotes

2016: “I have left a rich legacy at NIS. This is something that they can confirm to you. No scandal at all, no godfather. Just good work; competence. That is what has kept me.”

2010: “My greatest satisfaction has always been to assist those in need of my help, because I feel compelled by my conscience to give back to society.”

Mbagathi hospital has defended a doctor who has been accused of neglecting a patient leading to his death.

The deceased's cousin, Evans Oluoch, said the "seemingly young lady" was negligent yet he had described the patient's condition as critical.

Oluoch said in his narration of what allegedly transpired that they spoke to a "seemingly old nurse" when they arrived but was told cases like those were only handled at the weekends.

He said in a Facebook post that the nurse asked him to wheel his cousin, identified only as Ben, to a bed after he explained that his was an emergency case.

Oluoch said the doctor was by the bed but did not pay them any attention forcing him to return to the nurse, whom he said was referred to as Karimi.

"The nurse was outside doing a BP check on another patient. I told her my patient was already in bed," he said adding he was told his cousin would be attended to shortly.

He said he then left to buy water for the patient and that on returning, the nurse was away but that the medical officer was free.

Oluoch narrated that the medical officer asked for their referral letter and asked him to hold it up for her to read. He said he told the doctor that Ben's case was critical but that she said it was not.

"She walked away to the next room, sat down, started writing some things on a certain file while going through her phone. I followed her, asked her plans on our patient," he said.

He said she did not respond.

Oluoch said he sought the nurse's help when she returned but that she said the doctor had checked the patient.

He said the doctor told him the patient was fine and would be examined later.

The man noted they arrived at the hospital at about 11.42am and that at 12.53, his wife notified him that Ben was not responding to her calls.

He said he went to check his pulse and found he had died.

"I went back to the doctor who had rubbished my statement regarding my cousin's case and told her in a firm voice, 'I told you but you rubbished my statement, now please go confirm', he said.

"I went on to tell her ‘I am holding you entirely responsible’."

Oluoch said a security guard later handed him a phone and that he spoke to a medical superintendent. He said the superintendent insulted him and was rude, and that another guard ensured he deleted a photograph on his phone.

But medical superintendent Andrew Suleh said the doctor implicated in the matter was attending to another patient at the time Oluoch's cousin arrived at the hospital.

"The TB patient was rushed to Mama Lucy Kibaki Hospital. He was not talking and it is not clear why he was transferred to Mbagathi," said Suleh.

He told the Star by Phone on Monday that the patient arrived at about 1pm on Saturday and was pronounced dead 30 minutes later.

"He would not have survived even if he had been given drugs," he said. "This is not somebody who woke up well. I wish people would stop cyber bullying."

Suleh said a post by Oluoch that included the nurse's picture left her traumatised.

He added: "The doctor is receiving threats. I expected the family to come to my office and tell me what happened instead of lying."

"How do you say a doctor attending to another patient is negligent?"

The superintendent said he suspected a disagreement may have resulted to the referral from Mama Lucy hospital.

Doctors union secretary general Ouma Oluga told the Star investigations will be carried out and "stern action taken on the man who falsely defamed the doctor".

"Kenyans must desist from cyber-bullying doctors. Doctors do not work in a vacuum. They work because they care about the public," Oluga said.

Daniel Yumbya, who is chief executive of the Kenya Medical Practitioners, Pharmacists and Dentists Union, said investigations were underway.

"I got information from the Health CS. We have written a letter to Mbagathi hospital requesting them to give us the details of what happened. This will be issued tomorrow (Tuesday)," he said.

Yumbya urged the deceased's family launch a formal complaint with the medical board as "we are looking for a few facts from them".

Health CS Cleopa Mailu ordered the medical services director and county health executive to look into the matter.

"What happened is not acceptable. No patient should ever to be subjected to such," he said.

It was easy for everybody to believe 27-year-old Jackline Mwende’s story when it was first told. The story that that her husband of seven years chopped off her two hands accusing her of being barren.

However conflicting narratives have since been told by the locals raising many doubts on who might have been involved in Mwende's attack.

Residents of Ilinge Village, Masii location where Mwende’s husband Stephen Ngila, built their matrimonial home lived with her before their alleged separation are not convinced that Ngila attacked her.

Justus Muthama alias Nzele Ntheu, who is Mwende’s relative, told The Star that he highly doubts that Ngila had anything to do with Mwende’s predicament.

“Before the incidence Ngila and Mwende lived separately. Ngila had rented a house in Masii town leaving Mwende at their matrimonial house in Ilinge village, some 10Km from Masii town." Muthama said.

Mwende, operated a shop at Ilinge market while her husband had a tailor shop at Masii market.

“The two seemed to have gotten over their separation. I suspect that Mwende’s attack was as a result of a business deal gone sour between her and a possible business partner.” Muthama told The Star.

It is alleged that Ngila left his home late last year.

“Three days before the attack Mwende did not open her shop. We were told for those three days she had gone into hiding in Wetaa market." Muthama added.

He said that the locals suspect that one of her many male friends, who she was seen with most of the time turned against her.

“She had some other male friends who came visiting her. We believe that they helped her stock her shop after she had closed it for a while. We suspect that one might have felt shortchanged and planned for a revenge mission”, said Muthama.

He said that it was not the first time Mwende was being attacked by unknown people.

“One morning a gang came went to her house and hurled stones at the windows after she refused to open the door”, he said.

Mwende who is recuperating at PCEA Kikuyu Hospital denied the allegations and said that her neighbors are tarnishing her name.

“I had not opened my shop for three days because I was not feeling well. I was to go to the hospital on Tuesday, a day after the attack.” Mwende said.

She added that she never had many male friends and also added that Ngila was the one who sent people to attack her.

“One day he came to my house when he was drunk. He broke my windows when I refused to open the door. Before he attacked me, some unknown people also came to attack me and they broke some windows. After doing my own investigations I found out that it was Ngila who had sent them.” Mwende said

When the Star visited the Mwende’s home on Saturday only two windows did not have glasses.

The house sits atop a hill and has a beautiful view of Masii town.

Blood stains could still be spotted inside the living room.

Next to the door there were blood stains on the wall and a few drops of blood on the living room floor, three plastic chairs and a water jerican.

There was a pool blood that had already dried at a corner of the house where she fell down during the attack.

Stephen Makau and his friend Musyimi Maithya, a boda boda rider were the first ones to arrive at the scene.

Musyimi whose house is 80Metres from Mwendes told the Star that he was in the washroom when he heard someone screaming from her house.

He then rushed to Stephen Makau's house and both of them rushed to Mwende’s house.

"It was around 9.30pm when Maithya came running to my house and told me that he had heard some funny noises at Mwende's. When we got to her house, we found her bleeding profusely. When I asked her who did that to her she said that it was Ngila", Makau said.

Mwende told The Star that Ngila knocked on her door at around 7.30pm and asked her to open the door. When she opened the door she cut her right right.

"He is the one who attacked me. I saw him.He was wearing a maroon jacket that day." Mwende told the Star.

Makau said that he immediately called his father who is the area Village manager to inform him about the attack . His father then called the police who arrived at the scene at around 10.30pm and rushed Mwende to Machakos Level Five hospital.

Makau said that his father, another neighbor Florence and Mwende’s Kyalo Munywoki accompanied the police to hospital.

According to Makau, Florence called Ngila to inform him of his wife's attack but she could not reach him.

"When Florence called Ngila, she said that she could not reach him. But when she called someone else in his family she was told that he was in a meeting. That person who she said she cannot remember, refused to give Ngila the pone so that I speak to him."Makau said.

Makau confirmed the first narrative that prior to the incidence Mwende had not opened her shop for three days.

Mwende however left her house on Sunday to go and fetch water by herself some 100 metres from her home. Makau said that Mwende had passed by their home to greet the family.

He also confirmed that there was another man who was seen with Mwende and the neighbors suspected she might have had an affair with him.

"It is true there was another old man who Mwende was spotted with severally. Ngila also met the two walking together on the road", Makau added.
When we sought to here from Florence, she affirmed that she called Ngila to inform him of his wife's attack but differed with Makau who had said that Ngila's phone was off when they called.

"I called Ngila at around 10.30pm I told him what had happened. He only asked me if we knew who did it," Florence said.

Musyimi Maithya, the boda boda man who arrived at Mwende's house with Makau said before the incidence, they saw Ngila attend a fundraising organized by one of their neighbors to help raise funds to cater for the hospital bill of a boda boda rider who had been involved in an accident.

"Neighbors just got suspicious of him when they saw him in the harambee because since they separated with his wife he rarely visited the village. Whenever he came we always heard him quarreling with his wife", Maithya said.

However, Ngila’s sister in-law Agnes Kyalo, told the Star that she was with Ngila at her home in Utithini village that night.

“All I can say is that we were with Ngila in my house planning a pre-wedding for one of our brothers. He was called at around 10.30pm and told that his wife had been attacked.”Agnes said.

Agnes: "Ngila walked in my house at 7pm when we were listening to the 7 o’clock news bulletin on Athiani FM."

Agnes said that when Ngila received the call he asked to leave but instead told him to stay behind because she sensed that there may be some foul play.

Her house is approximately 12km from Ilinge village, where Ngila had built his house.

“We opted to send a taxi driver to try and get Mwende to hospital but when the driver got to Ilinge market he told us that he met the police taking Mwende to hospital" she said.

Agnes likened the incidence to that of Joseph in the Bible who was arrested and detained on allegations that he had slept with the King’s wife..

"Before Ngila left my house I told him to prepare for the worst. I told him that he was going to be the first suspect to be arrested. He was arrested in front of my father and uncle after Mwende’s family called the police.” Agnes added.

Agnes who is also wondering how Ngila, who spent the night at her house attacked Mwende at the same time hopes that the police identify the person who chopped off Mwende’s hands.

“Ngila cannot even slaughter chicken, how can he chop off his wife’s hands? But because Mwende said that he saw Ngila attacking her, we have decided not to say much but leave the matter to God”, she said.

Agnes said that the land where Ngila built his house belonged to her

She added that she gave her brother a small acre to build his home as he did not have money to buy land. She also dismissed Mwende's allegations that Ngila was the one who was infertile.

"My brother is very normal. Mwende should produce the doctors report." Agnes said.

Mwende said that when they visited the last year the doctors said that he was the one who had issues, which could be corrected.

Some of those who worked with Ngila at Masii market described him as a polite guy who they say could not harm nobody.

"I have worked with Ngila here for the last 15 years and I have known him to be very polite and quiet," said Mwikali who owns a tailor shop next to that of Ngila in Masii.
Surprisingly, it is not only the public giving the conflicting narrations of the story but also the police. Though they insist that their Investigations show that Ngila was involved in the attack, Mwala OCPD Henry Rukaria and the area CID Boss have given varying versions of the story.

“We have a lot of people peddling all sorts of lies but the truth of the matter is that it is Ngila who attacked his wife and left thinking that he had killed her already”, Mwala DCIO Joseph Muguna said on last week Thursday.

Muguna said that though Ngila and Mwende had issues in their marriage, they were still a couple and had not separated as alleged.

He however pointed out that his officers are yet to get the Panga used by Mwende’s attacker but they have obtained some figure prints obtained from the scene which are being interrogated.

The DCIO also said that Ngila’s intentions of visiting his wife at the hospital after the attack remained suspicious.

Mwala OCPD Henry Rukaria on Saturday appeared to differ with the locals on the time of the attack. He told the star that Mwende's attack was reported at around 7.30pm in the evening and the police were at the scene by 8.00pm.

He denied that the police btained any figure prints from the scene contradicting what the DCIO Joseph Muguna had said.

Just like the DCIO, Rukaria downplayed the narrations by the locals saying that those were just but unfounded rumors.

"We may not want to discuss a matter that is already in court but we have good evidence that it is the accused who attacked Mwende", he said.

The Star also established that Stephen Makau who got to the scene first with his friend Musyimi did not record his statement.

Musyimi: I did not record my statement because my father who also recorded his statement told me to do it.

Machakos County Police Commander Jacinta Wesonga refused to comment on the matter.

"Ngila was a very good guy, he was also was very quiet. But again, he is the only person who could have done this to Mwende." Makau said.

Stephen Ngila Nthenge who will remain in police custody until his case is heard and determine has pleaded not guilty to the charges.

Ngila has been denied bond twice with the court citing his own security and possible interference with prosecution witnesses.

His case will be mentioned on August 23.

Kenya's David Rudisha stormed to victory in the Olympic 800 meters final on Monday, retaining title with a devastating final lap sprint.

Rudisha, the world champion and world record holder, hit top gear in the final 300 meters to become the first man since New Zealander Peter Snell in 1964 to successfully defend the Olympic 800m title.

Rudisha crossed the line in 1.42.15, several meters ahead of Algeria's Taoufik Makhloufi, while fast-finishing American Clayton Murphy grabbed bronze.

He becomes the first man since 1964 to retain his Olympic title over the distance.

Rudisha, the world champion and world record holder, stormed to victory with a devastating final-lap sprint that cemented his place among the greats such as New Zealand's Peter Snell, the last man to successfully defend an 800m Olympic gold.

Nicknamed 'King David' in Kenya, Rudisha hit top gear in the final 300 metres to surge ahead of his rivals with his trademark finishing kick.

"I am so excited. It is the greatest moment of my career," Rudisha told reporters.

After winning his first Olympic gold and setting a world record at the 2012 London Games, Rudisha suffered a couple of injury-ravaged years that dented his confidence and caused him to miss the 2013 world championships.

He struggled for much of the current season and came third in national Olympic trials but the 6-foot-3-inch Maasai runner looked in total control of the Rio Games final as his long stride and fluid running style propelled him to victory.

"It's been very difficult," Rudisha said, referring to his injuries. "I have stayed focused and positive. My coach has been great and given me hope."

The 27-year-old crossed the line several metres ahead of Algeria's Taoufik Makhloufi, the London Games gold medal winner over 1,500m.

Makhloufi said the silver medal boosted his confidence ahead of the 1,500m event later this week.

"I am so happy to make my country proud," he said. "I dedicate this to the poor people."

Fast-finishing American Clayton Murphy set a personal best time to take bronze ahead of France's Pierre-Ambroise Bosse.

"When I saw I could get bronze, I just kept pushing," said Murphy, who was delighted to have raced against Rudisha.

"He is somebody I've looked up to since he broke the world record. It was an honour to race him."

It's time for Cord to bite the bullet.

However, despite growing pressure, widening fissures and a ticking clock, the opposition has not decided how to select its presidential flag-bearer

With 359 days to the elections, Cord co-principal Kalonzo Musyoka yesterday said the opposition hasn't figured out how and when to choose the candidate. The decision and method are crucial to prevent Cord's disintegration.

While Cord dithers, President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto are on a roll with their new Jubilee Party, announced last week at State House itself.

"I don't know, we are still consulting," the Wiper leader told the Star yesterday in response to a question.
Cord's promised survey by foreign experts of the best candidate to take on Uhuru and its promised nationwide popularity poll have not materialised.

Cord leader and ODM chief Raila Odinga, Ford Kenya’s Moses Wetang’ula and Musyoka all want to be President. Raila has said he would back whoever can decisively defeat President Uhuru Kenyatta.

There's talk of secret meetings and a plan by Wetang'ula and Musyoka to force Raila to back them. They deny any plot.

Musyoka also said he has no idea when the coalition's three co-chairmen — Senators James Orengo (Siaya), Johnson Muthama (Machakos) and Tongaren MP Eseli Simiyu — will settle on the selection method.

The three head the technical team that is to come up with the fairest and best way to select the Cord presidential candidate. They were to hand over a work report last week but that was put off as they also sit on the Joint Select Committee on the IEBC.

Last month, Wiper chairman David Musila gave the Cord co-principals a 30-day ultimatum to name the coalition's candidate.

"Bite the bullet!" he said.

"People want to know who's our candidate. We have had enough of this walking and dancing together. Now that everyone has declared their candidature, at the latest August this year, we want to know who will be Cord's presidential candidate."

Kalonzo, Raila and Wetang'ula are also under pressure from Jubilee to name their man.

Deputy President Ruto has been mocking Cord over indecision in naming a candidate.

Members of the three parties forming the coalition have been piling pressure on the co-principals to make up their collective mind or minds and name their man.

Lack of a single candidate has been cited as one reason Cord has not fared well in recent opinion polls.

The coalition earlier had indicated it would hire foreign experts to conduct a survey among the three co-principals and pick the most popular candidate. It hasn't happened.

Cord was to conduct countrywide survey to inform the coalition which of the three hopefuls has the best chance against Uhuru. It hasn't happened.

There is already an elaborate plan dividing the country into battle zones, Jubilee turf and "safe" areas. And another plan to avert a falling out over acrimonious nominations and boardroom negotiations.

All that's missing is the candidate.

Raila, Kalonzo and Wetang’ula each has been endorsed by their parties to seek the Cord presidential ticket.

Finding the best selection formula is thorny and complicated.

The popularity and preference survey was also establish the best-rated joint ticket combination most likely to defeat the Uhuru-Ruto ticket.

The selection method holds the key to the coalition's future, analysts and opposition insiders say. Each co-principal is keen to devise a method that prevents fragmentation.

Wetang'ula has already said Raila should step aside for a younger, stronger candidate.

Kalonzo and Wetang'ula have been meeting secretly, but not very discretely, giving rise to claims they are conspiring against Raila. The idea being to persuade or compel him to give up his presidential ambitions for a second time.

Kalonzo dismissed as "unfounded falsehoods" speculation he and Wetang'ula are crafting a strategy to make Raila support them and assume the role of elder statesman.

"I am aware of the conspiracy claims but they are all lies. Cord principals meet every time to consult. We are united as Cord to send home this Jubilee government that has only excelled in tribalism and epic corruption," Kalonzo told the Star.

Still, Kalonzo and Wetang'ula are said to be pushing Raila to honour the December 4, 2012, pre-election pact that named Raila as the coalition's presidential candidate in 2013. The MoU named Kalonzo and Wetang'ula as presidential candidates for 2017 and 2022, respectively. Raila has said the deal is void.

It has been claimed the two want to declare themselves the presidential candidate and running mate and compel Raila to support and rally his troops behind them.

Kalonzo and Wetang'ula met late last month at Kalonzo’s Yatta home in Machakos county and in early July at the home of Mavoko MP Patrick Makau.

Jubilee leaders have also been pushing Cord to decide, painting its irresolution as emblematic of a confused outfit unsure of its future.

Elgeyo Marakwet Senator Kipchumba Murkomen yesterday said Cord should announce its presidential ticket to set the stage well in advance of the polls.

"The time is now to name their candidate so Kenyans can start deciding. We already know Uhuru will lead the way for Jubilee. We wait and see what Cord will come up with," he said.

A policewoman has asked the NPSC for forgiveness for collecting money from junior officers as instructed by her seniors.

Senior sergeant Scolastica Mutheu works at Matunda patrol base four in Likuyani, Kakamega county.

Mutheu said senior officers asked for support including fueling their vehicles while on official duty, money which she collected from the juniors.

“I beg for your pardon for mistakes that happened. They will not happen again. It is hard, sir,” she told NPSC chairman Johnson Kavuludi.

She appeared before a vetting panel chaired by Kavuludi at Golf Hotel in Kakamega on Tuesday.

Mutheu failed to explain why senior officers including police inspector Francis Mberia received money through M-Pesa.

Her M-Pesa statement showed she sent Mberia Sh375,000 in three installments.

A senior officer found himself in trouble during his vetting for failing demonstrate knowledge of the police hierarchy.

Sergeant Joseph Naibei of the Busia Traffic Base could name the ranks from the Inspector General of Police downwards.

Naibei only remembered ranks from IG to senior assistant inspector general, forcing Kavuludi to assist him.

“How come you do not know this? When you came in you had passed but this will fail you,” said the chairman.

Naibei told the panel he was comfortable at the GSU but nominated to serve in the traffic department where he said there were many challenges.

The NPSC started vetting about 134 police officers in the traffic department, from the rank of chief inspector downwards, in Western on Monday.

Twenty six officers were to be vetted yesterday in the exercise that will continue until Saturday.

Kavuludi said 18 traffic officers from Nyanza region, who were not vetted in June, were invited to the exercise in Kakamega.

He said they had nothing to fear since the aim of the exercise was to attract and retain talented officers.

President Uhuru Kenyatta is likely to veto the Bill capping interest rates, State House sources yesterday told the Star.

The Banking Amendment Bill, 2015, has created a firestorm of controversy pitting commercial banks against small and ordinary borrowers. It's an emotional issue and a sensitive decision since the prevailing average is 18.2 per cent.

Rejecting the Bill will give the opposition ammunition against the government, which promised to lower interest rates in its 2013 pre-election manifesto.

However, Uhuru is expected to side with key financial advisers opposing the limits, including Central Bank of Kenya Governor Patrick Njoroge and Treasury CS Henry Rotich.

They say if the Bill becomes law, banks will focus on lending to blue-chip companies, locking out average borrowers.

"The President believes key ongoing reforms in the banking sector will bring down the cost of borrowing over time. The government feels we need to deal with the root cause of why interest rates are where they are," one source within the Presidency told the Star. Several sources were interviewed.

Uhuru has been under popular, parliamentary and opposition pressure to sign the Bill sponsored by Kiambu Town MP Jude Njomo. It was passed on July 27.

The Bill would cap interest interest at 400 basis points above the 10.5 per cent Central Bank Rate and deposit rates at a minimum of 70 per cent of the Central Bank Rate.

The Star learnt Uhuru will list numerous reasons why the Bill should not become law. He is to draw heavily on recent comments by Njoroge and Rotich.

One reason against signing is that the proposed cap only covers commercial banks, leaving out many Kenyans who borrow from other sources.

The thinking within the Executive is that capping fails to cover those borrowing from micro-finance lenders and mobile platforms such as Safaricom's Mshwari.

"The President also feels we should strike a balance between a majority of Kenyans who cannot borrow from banks and the middle-class using their salaries to secure loans," another State House source said.

The Presidency is said to believe the middle class is a small segment of the economy and eventually can repay bank loans, benefitting from lower interest rates.

"There is also concern banks could starve the market of credit and offer loans when need be. This could adversely affect economic growth," a presidency source said.

The argument, the Star was told, is that capping interest rates will be ineffective if credit is not available, leaving those who want loans vulnerable.

This argument against capping rates was made by CBK Governor Njoroge in newspaper opinion pieces last week.

"Reinstating interest rate caps will lead to emergence of credit rationing and the unavailability of credit to a wide segment of the population — particularly SMEs, new and small borrowers — with immediate adverse consequences on job creation and poverty," Njoroge said.

The CBK has also argued capping interest rates will have overwhelmingly negative consequences on businesses and consumers.

"This is confirmed by experiences from other countries, including in the EAC region, which have all abandoned interest rate caps, and Kenya’s own experience leading to elimination of interest rate controls in July 1991," Njoroge wrote.

Banking reforms Uhuru is relying on include those proposed by CBK to ensure information from Credit Reference Bureaus is strengthened, allowing banks to distinguish between risky and reliable borrowers.

The CBK has also proposed establishing a collateral registry and reforming the Kenya Banks' Reference Rate.

KBRR is a benchmark rate prescribed by the CBK for pricing all interest rate loans or credit facilities.

According to Njoroge, transparency about bank products and pricing is being enhanced, including implementing the Annual Percentage Rate reflecting the actual cost of borrowing.

Last week, banks made a public commitment to immediately cut interest rates in a last-ditch move to persuade Uhuru to veto the Bill.

Through the Kenya Bankers Association, lenders promised to reduce interest rates by at least 97 basis points.

That commitment is contained in a seven-point MoU by the banks to gradually cut interest rates from the prevailing average of 18.2 per cent.

This would conform with the hitherto largely ineffective Kenya Banks Reference Rate — the industry-wide base rate effected in July 2014 and reviewed every six months — which was slashed to 8.90 from 9.87 per cent by the CBK’s Monetary Policy Committee on July 25.

Cord leader Raila Odinga and others have been pressuring the President to immediately sign the Bill.

On Sunday, the ODM chief said assenting to the Bill will save millions of Kenyans suffering at the hands of a barely controlled banking regime.

Yesterday, Cord MPs insisted Uhuru must sign the Bill. Awendo MP Jared Oipyo said it serves the interests of the majority of Kenyans.

"Interest rates are weird and outright thuggery. Regulation of interest rates could have been done 60 years ago. We are trying to regulate interest rates in the interests of our people who have been exploited. If the President does not sign the Bill, we will take him to court. He should also choose to safeguard the interests of the people or choose to be a businessman," Opiyo said.

Kiminini MP Chris Wamalwa said Uhuru should sign the Bill to save Kenyans from bank exploitation. "If he is patriotic enough, he should sign. It will help many parents access loans and educate their children," he said.

However, TNA chairman Johnson Sakaja said the opposition will use exploit anything. including the President's veto, to gain political mileage.

Although it would be noble to sign, rejection will be based on sound reasons and Kenya will not be the first country to refuse to cap rates, he said.

"Signing or not signing does not go against the Jubilee manifesto because it does not talk about gaping interest rates but about measures to reduce them, such as reducing government borrowing from banks. The President is acting in line with the manifesto," Sakaja said.

The Kenya Civil Aviation Authority (KCAA) is concerned after several of its parcels of land and houses were taken by private developers, compromising air safety in the country.

This is in despite there being regulations in place that buildings should not be within flight paths to avoid interfering with taking off and landing of aircrafts.

However, this is usually compromised once property lands in the hands of private developers going against International Civil Aviation Organization’s (ICAO) standards where Kenya is a council member state.

The Convention on International Civil Aviation, drafted and signed in 1944 by 54 nations, was established to promote cooperation and “create and preserve friendship and understanding among the nations and peoples of the world.”

Known more commonly today as the ‘Chicago Convention’, this landmark agreement established the core principles permitting international transport by air, and led to the creation of the specialised agency which has overseen it ever since – ICAO.

Aviation safety is at the core of ICAO’s fundamental Objectives.

KCAA raised the issue of encroachment on their land and property before Transport Cabinet Secretary James Macharia on July 22 during the ground breaking ceremony for the construction of a modern air traffic control tower at Wilson Airport.

Land scarcity, disregard for safety, and lack of ownership documents has led to real estate investors encroaching on airport land or flight paths.

At the Wilson Airport for instance, the ever mushrooming real estates and illegal encroachment prompted the KCAA to upgrade its air traffic control tower. The tower complex worth Sh163 million is set to be completed in the next 18 months.

During the ground breaking ceremony, the Kenya Association of Air Operators executive secretary Col (Rtd) Eutychus Karumba Waithaka, pleaded with Macharia to come to their rescue and help repossess encroached airport land.

“Encroachment of airport land poses a major safety risk not only to the aircraft but also to those who put up developments. Airport land countrywide is at risk of being grabbed,” Waithaka said.

Macharia said a team comprising of senior officials from his ministry, the KCAA director general and other officials in the aviation industry will be formed to look into the matter as matters safety must be addressed with immediacy. The CS said the aviation sector is very pertinent to the country’s economy as it generates about Sh24.8 billion to the economy, 1.1 per cent of the GDP.

The CS said the industry is very critical to agriculture, security, health and tourism in the country.

“Aviation has been given a special place in the Vision 2030 plan and modernisation of the airports not only at Wilson, is key to driving the country’s economic growth,” he said.

KCAA has also written to the National Land Commission (NLC) petitioning the commission to step in as a matter of urgency and help them recover what is rightfully theirs. The property ranging from prime land and buildings, are in Nairobi and Mombasa.

KCAA legal affairs manager Cyril Wayong’o said 87 acres now occupied by the East African School of Aviation was reserved for the school. However, the school was only issued with ownership documents for 57.10 acres with the rest going to third parties.

The land within which the East Africa School of Aviation was supposed to host aviation related industries, has since gotten into the hands of private developers who have constructed several permanent structures including residential houses.

“We did a search and found that it had been grabbed despite us having fenced the entire 87 acres, ”Wayong’o said.

He added that when an official from the Lands ministry got wind that KCAA was looking for a title deed, he volunteered to help process one for the authority. It is during processing of the title that KCAA noticed something was amiss.

“In 2003, cartels within the Lands ministry wanted to assist us to get the title deed but ended up grabbing over 30 acres. The parcel of land is now intact,” Wanyon’o said adding that the authority is confident that all the illegal titles will be revoked so the authority can rightfully have all the 87 acres back.

Wayong’o said a parcel of land located on the Nairobi-Mombasa road at Mlolongo, has also faced similar wrath by grabbers.

KCAA is in possession of the entire 132-acre parcel of land and has erected a perimeter wall to keep grabbers at bay grabbers, but does not have ownership documents.

But what troubles the state corporation is the fact that there has been illegal excisions of 11 plots but without titles being issued. KCAA now seeks NLC’s intervention for recovery of land by revoking illegal excisions,subsequently issuing one title for the 132 acres.

The land was originally 160 acres but 28 acres were excised for expansion of Mombasa road and construction of an access road.

Another parcel that KCAA is fighting tooth and nail to repossess is located along Langata road which landed in the hands of private developers in 2003.

KCAA also does not have ownership documentation for that parcel of land, now hosting a luxurious hotel with 120 accommodation rooms, including a grand presidential suite.

The grabbing appetite has also been extended to include encroachment of prime property belonging to KCAA located in Mombasa county.

The church has not been left behind as they now in occupation of a portion of land in Nyali staff housing estate.

Interestingly, correspondence files about the land mysteriously disappeared at the Mombasa land registry and are yet to be found.

KCAA, however, has a deed plan that it has submitted to the ministry but a title has yet to be issued.

At the Bamburi Staff Housing Estate, KCAA is in possession of 10 three unit bedrooms out of its 14 houses.Each house stands on half an acre.One house has been demolished while three others are in possession of third parties.

The Bamburi matter moved to court after the then Minster for Lands revoked the illegal titles by gazette notice dated November 2010, irking the alleged owners. At the time, KCAA management had not made any progress in securing title deeds.

Even as KCAA pursued the ministry for documentation, the complainants moved to court challenging the minister’s decision to revoke the land.

The High Court subsequently annulled the gazette notice through a judgement delivered on March 12 2012, declaring it “unconstitutional, null and void.”

The complainants are powerful and influential individuals still in power.

In the mean time, KCAA managed to secure allotment letters for two of the parcels (LR No.MN/)2397 and LR No. MN/12406 ). As they wait for the final documents to be processed, the complainants have moved to court to sue the authority.

The authority is now banking its hope on the NLC in its bid to have their property back.

KCAA legal affairs manager Cyril Wayong’o said the property in Miritini, Mombasa does not have any problem as it is jointly registered under the Kenya Revenue Authority and KCAA.

He said that properties belonging to KCAA and located in prime area s, are the ones being targeted by private developers. Wayong’o said the authority was shocked when it learnt that a parcel of land in Mtito Andei that was originally 13 acres had been reduced to three acres.

“We have 32 acres in Lodwar but nobody has touched it as it is not in a prime location,” he said adding that there are over 500 airports and airstrips in the country.

Kenya's Faith Kipyegon won the women's Olympic 1,500 metres on Tuesday after unleashing a devastating burst in the second half of the race that left Ethiopia's world record holder Genzebe Dibaba trailing in her wake.

Kipyegon, fastest in the world this year, sat in a pack that virtually jogged the opening stages before she and Dibaba pulled clear with a 56.8-second lap around the halfway mark that scattered the field.

Dibaba, who has struggled with injury this year, led with 200 to go but the 22-year-old Kipyegon forced her way past and drove for the line to win in four minutes 8.92 seconds and reverse the order from last year's world championship final.

"It was an amazing race," Kipyegon told reporters. "I needed to focus for the middle because I knew Genzebe is so fast and I really had to kick on the last lap."

Dibaba held on for silver, with American former world champion Jenny Simpson taking bronze.

Another American, Shannon Rowbury, finished fourth to suffer more frustration after being cheated out of a medal four years ago when finishing sixth.

The 2012 event in London has been dubbed the "Dirtiest Race in History" with six of the top nine finishers, including the gold and silver medallists, committing doping offences before or after the race.

Winner Asli Cakir Alptekin is serving an eight-year ban for her second offence while fellow Turk Gamze Bulut, who had improved her personal best by an eyebrow-raising 18 seconds, is also suspended.

There was also a cloud hovering over this year's race following the arrest in June of Jama Aden, Dibaba's coach, after an anti-doping raid, though the Ethiopian has never failed a test.

After her stellar 2015, Dibaba struggled with injuries this season but seemed to be running into form as she qualified fastest for a showdown that contained eight of the women who contested the world championship final in Beijing last year.

That quality was not on show early on, however, as they jogged through the first lap in 76 seconds and went through 800m in a pedestrian 2:27.21.

Dibaba then pressed the accelerator, however, and only Kipyegon and Briton Laura Muir could respond.

The Ethiopian led at the bell but her diminutive rival sat perfectly poised on her shoulder before driving clear in a 58.79-second last lap.

Muir faded, allowing the American duo to battle it out for bronze with 2011 world champion Simpson prevailing to earn a first medal for her country since the event was introduced in 1972.

"Being the first is something I've not allowed myself to think about," said the 29-year-old, who is appearing at her third Olympics.

"At the start line I thought to myself, 'this is what I've worked and prayed for, just to have a shot,' and then I was able to execute.

"This has been a long ride of highs and lows and I've done it honestly and clean with everything that's inside my own body."

Opposition chief Raila Odinga has moved to consolidate his Coast stronghold, lining up a four-day relentless charm offensive – only three weeks after sweeping through the restless Western region.

Raila will visit three counties – Taita Taveta, Kwale and Tana River – a week before President Uhuru Kenyatta tours the Coast in what is shaping up as a do-or-die battle for the 12th general election.

Uhuru will visit Kwale, Lamu and Kilifi as he woos the region, which is turning into a battleground a year before the August 8 polls.

A detailed itinerary of the ODM supremo’s tour seen exclusively by the Star indicates Raila is scheduled to meet, among others, the Council of Imams and Scholars, a national network of influential Muslim leaders.

Raila will also meet the Kwale Council of Elders, the giant teachers unions Knut and Kuppet, and address the Law Society of Kenya Annual Conference at Leisure Lodge.

He is also scheduled to open ODM offices, meet the party’s grassroots leaders and address a series of public rallies in what appears to be a counterstrategy to take the war to the rebels’ doorstep.

Raila’s spokesman Dennis Onyango confirmed yesterday that the visit was on.

Expert comment:What Raila and Uhuru visits portend for Coast

President Kenyatta is expected to storm the Coast next week and will open the Mombasa Agricultural Show.

Kilifi, Kwale and Lamu are regions traditionally known as opposition bastions. The President’s visit has been branded a development tour.

The President is scheduled to launch several infrastructure projects, including the Samburu-Kinango-Kwale road and the Vanga-Lunga Lunga road.

He is also slated to launch the Shimoni Fishing Port and inspect the upgrading of the Ukunda airstrip, as well as the rehabilitated Kongowea Market.

He will open the Huduma Centre-Lamuas and health centres in Faza, Mpeketoni and King Fahd.

A number of ODM legislators led by Kilifi North MP Gideon Mung’aro have rebelled against Cord and vowed to rally Coast to the ruling Jubilee Coalition’s standard.

At least 16 MPs met Uhuru at State House on August 4, 2016, to strategise ahead of his Coast visit.

But Raila’s allies, led by Mombasa Governor Ali Hassan Joho, are already spoiling for a fight, signalling a possible spat with Jubilee should they share a podium.

“I heard they [Jubilee] announced they are coming back here. We are watching and waiting for them. This time we will tell them to their face, no fearing anyone...You can’t be in government, do nothing for us, only to resurface close to the general election and say you want to meet Coast leaders,” Joho said on Friday last week.

In January, Joho, who is also Raila’s deputy in ODM, told Uhuru to his face he was in the opposition to stay and protested for allegedly being snubbed by the Head of State in his own county.

According to the itinerary, Raila’s first stop will be in Taveta, where his key allies, Governor John Mruttu and Wundanyi MP Thomas Mwadeghu, are battling for the Taita Taveta gubernatorial position.

Mwadeghu is Cord’s Minority whip in the National Assembly, a powerful position within the opposition.

ODM has been rocked by divisions in the region, following last year’s disputed party grassroots elections, and has two factions, one led by Mruttu and the other by Mwadeghu.

In Taveta, Raila will meet ODM and other community based grassroots leaders from various sectors.

Thereafter, he will meet Knut and Kuppet branch officials.

The teachers, especially Knut, have had a poisoned relationship with the Jubilee administration.

Last year, teachers openly accused the State of influencing the Court of Appeal decision to quash their 50-60 per cent pay rise after weeks of a legal duel.

Raila is expected to conclude his Taveta tour by addressing a public rally before departing for Ukunda, Kwale county.

His itinerary indicates he has a scheduled private function on Thursday morning before opening an ODM office in Ukunda, followed by a meeting of local leaders.

The ODM leader will then meet the Council of Imams and Scholars at Diana Forest Lodge, before departing for Lunga Lunga.

Lunga Lunga MP Khatib Mwashetani (Ford-Kenya) is among the Coast Cord rebel legislators who have been laying siege on the opposition.

Once in the region, Raila will deliver a roadside address at Kikoneni and later a massive rally at Lunga Lunga.

On Friday, he will start his day with an address to the Law Society of Kenya Annual Conference at Leisure Lodge.

He will then meet the Kwale Council of Elders, preside over the presentation of a school bus to Gongwe Secondary School in Ukunda and later meet Knut and Kuppet branch officials.

On Saturday, Raila will meet opinion leaders in Galole, Tana River county, and later in the day meet Knut and Kuppet executive committee officials.

He will then hold a rally at the Hola Stadium before departing for Garsen for another meeting with opinion leaders, followed by a rally at the Garsen Stadium.

The Coast whirlwind tour is the second in a series of planned activities the ODM leader has lined up before he formally launches his 2017 presidential campaign.

Last month, Raila stamped his authority on Western against the Jubilee onslaught and resignations during a five-day massive charm offensive that saw him rejuvenate his grassroots networks.

Raila scoured many villages in Western to re-position ODM as the region’s choice after top party officials led by Budalang’i MP Ababu Namwamba resigned from their positions.

Last week, Raila met Governor Mruttu, Mwadeghu, Mwatate MP Andrew Mwadime, Voi MP Jones Mlolwa and Taita Taveta woman representative Joyce Lay at his office in Nairobi.

However, Taita Taveta Senator Dan Mwazo was conspicuously absent.

Questions have been raised on several occasions whether Mwazo is still loyal to ODM, since he has skipped most of Raila’s meetings in the region.

Thomas (Tom) Cholmondeley, a famous Kenyan farmer of British ancestry, died on Wednesday afternoon aged 48.

The aristocrat died after a hip replacement surgery at MP Shah Hospital in Nairobi.

He was the son of the 5th Lord Delamere, one of the first and most influential British settlers in Kenya.

Tom died on Wednesday at around 2pm of cardiac arrest after being admitted on Tuesday.

In April 2005, Cholmondeley shot and killed a KWS game ranger at his expansive Soysambo ranch near lake Naivasha.

He claimed self-defence, and the murder case was dropped before going to trial.

The man shot and killed a suspected poacher in May 2006. He was acquitted of murder, but found guilty of manslaughter and sentenced to eight months in prison.

He was released in October, 2009.

An Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission survey conducted in 39 counties has exposed rampant corruption owing to lack of transparency in service delivery.

The eight counties not surveyed are Garissa, Lamu, Mandera, Marsabit, Samburu, Tana River, Turkana and Wajir.

The survey recommendations range from the development and implementation of an anti-bribery compliance policy at the county level to enhancement of public participation in the budgeting and project implementation process and ensuring value for money in road and other infrastructure construction to reduce corruption.

The report says corruption in the counties is manifested in bribery, abuse of office, conflict of interest, nepotism, favouritism and absenteeism, among other factors.

According to the county survey, analysis shows that corruption is most prevalent in Narok, Kisii, Homa Bay, Bomet, Embu, Bungoma, Kirinyaga, Kakamega, Mombasa, Migori and Nairobi.

The survey reveals that bribery, favouritism, procurement irregularities, bid rigging, embezzlement of public funds, shoddy implementation of projects, abuse of office, conflict of interest, misuse of public resources, delay in service delivery and discrimination are the most prevalent forms of corruption in the counties.

Entitled “Corruption and Ethics in Devolved Services: County Public Officers’ Experiences, 2015", the report finds that Narok is dogged by lateness among 70 per cent of its staff, misuse of county vehicles for personal gain, contractors offering up to Sh100,000 for faster processing of payments, side- stepping of IFMIS to forge cheques, collusion between contractors and supervisors, resulting in poor road construction and bribery of Public Service Board personnel and employment of unqualified personnel.

Kisii county, on the other hand, is afflicted by shoddy road construction, political interference in recruitment, health workers selling drugs, employees receiving payments for free services and MCAs irregularly allocating themselves land.

Bomet has experienced conflict of interest in the award of contracts, fraud in the Finance department, forgery of employment documents, employing people without interviews, use of Sh150 million without county assembly approval, embezzlement of tea factory and Youth Fund cash and bribery in recruitment of security officers.

In Embu, the EACC survey revealed Sh70 million fraud in the Finance and Accounting departments, loss of funds at the Embu Level 5 Hospital, recruitment without advertising, misappropriation of county executive funds and irregular procurement of stadium, water and road construction projects.

Mombasa, Taita Taveta, Kwale and Kilifi have been mentioned in the list of counties where corruption is most prevalent.

In Mombasa county, the EACC says there was bribery in procurement, with amounts ranging from Sh1,000 up to Sh1 million.

The consequences of this, the survey reveals, are poor, low-quality goods being supplied and loss of revenue.

The departments most prone to corruption are Finance and Economic Planning, Procurement, Public Services, Human Resource, Lands and City Inspectorate.

In Taita Taveta, the survey reveals there was corruption in the hiring of survey machines in the Lands department.

There was also favouritism in revenue collection, and those who tried to fight the practice were intimidated. The MCAs were also found to be uncooperative. The most affected departments are Procurement, the Public Service Board and Human Resources.

The EACC has recommended a systems review.

The survey was conducted between April and June, with structured questionnaires and interviews being used to gather data where county public officers were the target respondents.

There were 4,965 county employees interviewed.

In Kilifi county, the report says MCAs were drawing allowances not worked for in the Finance department.

The MCAs were also found to have influenced the recruitment process. There was also conflict of interest in awarding tenders.

The departments most prone to corruption are Finance, the Public Service Board, Procurement, Roads, Public Works and Infrastructure.

In Kwale, the worst-hit departments are Finance, the Public Service Board, Procurement, Lands, Roads, Public Works and Infrastructure. The most frequently cited forms of corruption are bribery, favouritism, procurement irregularities and embezzlement of funds.

Other counties outside the Coast region did not fare well either.

In Kirinyaga, it was noted that it takes bribes of between Sh15,000 and Sh1 million to award procurement tenders while in Nairobi bribery for the same ranges from Sh5,000 to Sh500,000.

In Bungoma, it was noted that county staff have to pay a bribe of Sh10,000 for every Sh100,000 imprest while in Kakamega the EACC found that contractors have to pay between Sh10,000 and Sh1 million bribes, depending on the magnitude of the contract award sought.

All the counties face corruption challenges in the Roads, Public Works, Infrastructure, Public Service Board, Finance, Economic Planning and Lands departments.

Most people believe that county officials are involved in corruption for lack of transparency in service delivery, misuse of power by top officials and the fact that graft has become a culture.

In a speech read by Devolution Principal Secretary Mwanamaka Mabruki, CS Mwangi Kiunjuri said the launch of the survey report is critical in the war on corruption and promotion of ethical standards in the county governments.

“This is a forum that allows sharing of corruption experiences in the county governments and I believe this will go a long way to help combat and prevent corruption in the devolved governments," Kiunjuri said.

He said the county governments are expected to plan the delivery of services in their respective areas and utilise the available resources for administration and development programmes.

EACC commissioner Dr Dabar Maalim said Kenya's fiscal decentralisation has faced numerous challenges, such as inadequate accountability mechanisms and poor planning. He noted corruption has emerged as a major stumbling block in the three-year-old devolved units.

Dr Maalim said the majority of graft cases involves procurement malpractices in the county governments.

What are the origins of the Zika virus?

The Zika virus is not entirely new and has existed since the 1940s. It was first detected and isolated in 1947 when it was identified and named. The name Zika comes from a forest near Entebbe in Uganda where the virus was detected from mosquitoes and also from primates that were found in the forest. So it is not a new virus, it has actually existed for many years in Africa.

Could you tell us a little about the current outbreak in South America?

The current outbreak in South America appears to be a virus that spread from Asia where some parts of the continent has had outbreaks. There was a real outbreak of the virus in islands in the Pacific Ocean and subsequently the same virus that was causing the outbreak in Micronesia appeared in Brazil.

Genetic studies that have been performed on the viruses that were isolated in Micronesian outbreak and the one now in South America indicate that those viruses are closely related but are significantly differences from the virus that was first isolated in Africa.

Is there a test for the Zika Virus? How readily available is it?

Here in Kemri we have the capacity to detect the Zika virus by looking for the virus itself using a methodology that picks up the gene of the virus called RNA. That methodology is popularly known as Reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction or RT-PCR.

The other test that we have capacity to perform is to detect the antibody that an infected person would produce once exposed to the virus. When someone gets infected by the Zika virus, other than circulating the virus itself, the person’s body’s also responds by producing antibodies to try and fight the virus.

Can the Zika virus be sexually transmitted?

Well, there is increasing evidence now to suggests that fact with publications coming out from work that has been going on since the outbreak in South America started. More research is being done to confirm this, but so far the evidence suggests the virus can be transmitted sexually in addition to the bites of infected mosquito vector.

What is microcephaly and is it fully understood how it is linked to Zika?

Microcephaly is a birth defect that manifests in the abnormal size of the head circumference of infants at birth. It could be caused by other causes but in South America right now, it has been associated with infants born to mothers who have been exposed to the Zika virus.

There is information we are seeing in literature now actually indicating that Zika virus has been found in brains of fetuses with Microcephaly thus, evidence is increasing to suggest that Microcephaly is caused by the Zika virus infection even though there are other causes.

Brazil has borne the brunt of the outbreak so far. Given that our athletes are there for the Olympics right now, do you think there is a risk of them bringing the virus back here on their return?

I would say there is some risk. I am not certain about the level of risk, however, because I don’t have the details about the steps that have been taken by the management of the city of Rio to prevent transmission of the virus.

However, it looks like they have convinced most of the world and the World Health Organisation (WHO) in particular that they have taken adequate steps to prevent the transmission of the virus.

Still, it is not wise to just assume that the host nation has taken all the precautions necessary to prevent you from contracting a disease especially when there is an outbreak going on.

What can the athletes do to reduce the chances of catching the virus?

I led a team at Kemri to talk to the officials of the National Olympic Committee (NOC) and we advised them to take whatever steps they can to reduce the chances of getting infectious mosquito bites. Mosquitoes will always be there, what we need to minimise is the risk of the Kenyan Olympic team members being bitten. One of the things they can do is put on clothing that will cover most of the exposed parts of the body.

For areas of the body that they cannot cover, we’ve asked them to carry with them effective mosquito repellants and apply them repeatedly during their activities in the course of the day because the Zika Virus vector, Aedes mosquitoes, actually bite during the day.

Given the risks to pregnant women, what should the athletes do once they come back to Kenya?

We’ve advised the NOC that once the athletes come back to Kenya, we would like to screen them for the virus. We already have samples taken from over a hundred and fifty sports men and women and the officials who consented to the blood draw before they left.

This sample is what we call a baseline so that when they come back we will take a second sample which we will test so that we can pick out anybody who may have been exposed.

If we find anyone who has been exposed, that will be beneficial both to them and to the country. We will be able to advise the infected person on what they need to do to avoid exposure to their loves ones and also to prevent local transmission.

Can you compel the compel the athletes to submit for testing?

No we cannot as our standard of practice of testing is voluntary. We educate individuals on the benefits of undertaking the tests. When we were taking the baseline samples we went to the training camps and gave them a talk on what it is we will want to do and gave them chance to make voluntary decision.

Is Kenya well prepared to handle an outbreak of the Zika virus and what arrangements are in place?

The Zika virus is caused by a mosquito that is present practically anywhere in the country. There are certain areas where that vector is more abundant than in others. There are therefore those areas I would say are at a greater risk.

Because there are no vaccines for the Zika virus, the most important thing we have in place is the capacity to detect the virus in the lab. If we detect the cases and where they occur, the next step would be to take action to break transmission.

The most urgent thing we would do is vector control. We would move into wherever the areas where cases have been confirmed and undertake several vector control measures to stop transmission.

Is there anything the government can do to prevent a possible Zika virus outbreak in Kenya?

Maybe it is not foolproof but I think the government has taken adequate measures to prevent importation and possible outbreak of the Asian strain of Zika virus which is more dangerous. Don’t forget, we possibly have our own local strains of the virus that we haven’t even detected.

Preventing outbreaks would mainly be done by instituting the monitoring of travellers who are coming from outbreak areas, testing potential cases and being able to detect any cases early enough before local transmission gets initiated resulting in a local outbreak.

Kenya's Ezekiel Kemboi career ended disastrously after he was disqualified from the Olympic Games 3,000m steeplechase onWednesdayfor stepping off the track.

His initial bronze medal was subsequently handed to Frenchman Mahiedine Mekhissi who was promoted from position four.

Kemboi came to Rio as the overwhelming favourite but left empty handed. The two-time Olympic champion had finished third inWednesday's race won by his compatriot Conseslus Kipruto.

Mekhissi finished fourth but appealed against Kemboi's action, resulting in the disqualification and his own promotion.

"A protest was presented by the French team after the 3000m steeplechase men final against Kenyan athlete Ezekiel Kemboi ... claiming he had stepped off the track," said an IAAF statement.

An appeal jury "met and examined the video of the race, confirming that Kemboi, after clearing a water jump, had stepped outside the track on the curved part before the home straight."

Under race rules, runners cannot step off the inside edge of the track when running around bends.

Read: Golden Kipruto