MP Shah Hospital has allegedly refused to release the body of Naivasha ranch owner Thomas (Tom) Cholmondeley who died on Wednesday.

Reports received by the Star on Thursday indicated Cholmondeley's family members were turned away when they asked for his body.

The family wanted to transfer the body to Lee Funeral Home for an independent postmortem.

"Everyone wants to know why he was taken into ICU after a standard procedure that is normally done under local/spinal anaesthetic," a family member told The Star.

When reached for comment, Anup Das, CEO of the hospital in Nairobi, said: "Please ask their lawyers. They are the best people to answer."

He declined to explain why the hospital did not release the body.

Cholmondeley, a famous Kenyan farmer of British ancestry, died aged 48, after a hip replacement surgery.

He was the son of the 5th Lord Delamere, one of the first and most influential British settlers in Kenya.

More on this: Aristocrat Tom Cholmondeley, accused twice of murder, dies aged 48

Cholmondeley was wheeled into one of the theatres at MP Shah on Wednesday morning and was looking forward to a routine two-hour hip replacement procedure.

Neeraj Krishna, his orthopaedic surgeon, was at hand with a team of doctors.

After all the British aristocrat was no stranger to Krishna; he has been their family doctor for years and has carried out similar operations on Cholmondeley's mother.

The team of doctors prepared the patient for the operation without a hitch. In about two hours the operation was over and the new hip carefully rammed into place.

Out of the blue, the heart monitor screen sent doctors in the theatre into alarm. The readings were disturbing.

There was too much pressure on the heart. This happened soon after the process of getting the patient out of the coma induced by anaesthetic drugs.

By 10.30 am, what was a simple operation turned into a huge life-saving emergency, a doctor at the hospital told The Star. The heart had stopped beating.

The hospital scrambled some of their top cardiologist to save the patient.

Three hours of electric shock after electric shock and a myriad of procedures to get the heart beating again sadly produced no result.

Read: Did cement cause Cholmondeley heart attack?

Commercial Bank of Africa will give Sh140 million of Jack Wolf's family's money to the state should he fail to appear in court over drug trafficking.

Anne Mumbi, who works in the bank's trade section department of guarantees, appeared at Kibera law court son Thursday on behalf of her boss.

The court had issued CBA, the custodian of the family's money, with summons to produce records confirming undertaking of surety.

The matter will be heard on Friday when the court will examine Wolf's father and brother, who will be sureties for the accused.

Wolf denied charges of trafficking 99.7kg of cocaine worth Sh598 million and was granted release on Sh70 million bond.

He has been in Industrial remand prison for close to two weeks pending the processing of his bond.

The DPP had moved to the High Court to block Wolf's release arguing he is a flight risk since is a British citizen, he is a flight risk.

But the High Court upheld the decision to release the accused on bond.

More on this: DPP loses bid to cancel suspected drug trafficker Jack Wolf's Sh70m bond

Wolf was charged alongside Roy Mwanthi, a director of a clearing company, whose bond was set as Sh60 million.

Read: Suspected drug dealer Jack Wolf in profile

Pressure is mounting on Cord leader Raila Odinga to endorse Musalia Mudavadi as the opposition's presidential flagbearer in 2017.

According the campaign calculus of Raila's think tanks, if Amani National Congress leader Mudavadi and Wiper leader Kalonzo Musyoka are paired as presidential candidate and running mate, the coalition will defeat Jubilee.

The Jubilee Party is said to badly want Raila to run for President, believing President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto will win handily. An endorsement arrangement is much less appealing to the ruling coalition.

If Raila were to endorse another ticket, he would still remain a formidable statesman, "considering he has vied for the top seat three times", one think tank analyst told the Star.

Expert opinion: Why Raila should wait until 2022 to enter State House

Cord co-principals Raila, Kalonzo and Ford Kenya's Moses Wetang'ula have all declared they want to be President. Raila has also said, however, he would back the best candidate to defeat Uhuru.

ODM chairman John Mbadi yesterday said both Raila and Mudavadi "are closely engaged", adding he was confident they would work together. Mudavadi has said he is working with Raila on a personal level about policy, but there's speculation about forging an alliance.

Suba MP Mbadi emphasised, however, the process for selecting an opposition presidential candidate is tricky, whichever way it goes. Not everyone will be happy.

“If Musalia joins us in Cord, then we will be happy to consolidate the votes. But they will have to agree together with other co-principals [including Ford Kenya's Moses Wetang'ula] on the challenge of picking a presidential candidate,” Mbadi told the Star in a telephone interview.

Sources privy to the latest developments say the move to back a Mudavadi-Kalonzo ticket is aimed at consolidating the Western region vote to run neck and neck with the huge Central vote bloc. Raila's political base of Nyanza and Kalonzo's Eastern region would combine to offset votes from Ruto's Rift Valley backyard.

But even as Raila's strategists brainstorm on the winning ticket, his headache is how to handle Wetang'ula whose political base is also in Western.

If Raila opts for Mudavadi, then Wetang'ula is likely to bolt and take votes with him.

Jubilee has been taunting Cord for not naming a candidate, less than a year to the August 8, 2017, elections. Several Jubilee MPs have indicated, however, they want Raila to head the ticket, predicting Uhuru will trounce him.

Cord has picked a six-member committee to advise how it should pick its candidate.

“All opposition members might not have a formal agreement to work together but they have agreed to work together to bring change in the country and send Jubilee home,” Mbadi said.

The MP said engagement of opposition leaders was galvanised following what he called Jubilee’s intimidation of the opposition and civil society. He said this was calculated to kill constitutional democratic space.

“The Jubilee administration has also run down the economy by looting government resources and running down all institutions, as well being unable to provide good services in public facilities,” Mbadi said.

ANC leader Mudavadi complicates bargaining for Wetang'ula who has influence over Western Kenya voters.

“Raila and Musalia have a strong chemistry since they have been together a long time and we believe they will work together, despite there being no agreement at the party level," Mbadi said.

He said the Musalia-Raila engagement is on a personal level and no specifics have been communicated to other officials.

“I cannot give out information on how much the committee has covered since it's premature. Wait for the outcome when we officially announce to the media," Mbadi said.

Yesterday, there were fresh calls by Wiper officials in Kisumu county for Raila to step aside and endorse Kalonzo in 2017. The officials said the 2012 MoU signed by Raila and Kalonzo was still valid.

Led by county party coordinator Duncan Nyumbah, the officials said Raila should be a gentleman and honour the memorandum. They also urged Wetang'ula to support Kalonzo.

Raila earlier declared the contentious MoU was no longer binding because he did not win the presidency. Nyumbah said the MoU was based on supporting a candidate, not somebody who has won elections or been defeated.

“The agreement was in the level of candidature, where Kalonzo supported Raila as the candidate in 2012 and he was to do the same for Kalonzo in 2017," Nyumbah told a press briefing in Kisumu. Coming out to be a candidate does not declare someone will win, he said.

“Our question is ... do we support you for eternity so that even if you fail, we fail every day?" Nyumbah asked.

Cord had planned to recruit a foreign expert or experts to conduct a survey of which of the three co-principals has the best chance of winning and which combo has the best chance.

However, officials in Kisumu rejected the idea, saying the 2013 pre-election MoU is still binding.

ODM, Wiper and Ford Kenya already have endorsed their leaders for President, but the difficulty is finding a mutually acceptable formula to pick the winning duo.

So far, no foreign survey expert is helping the coalition.

You could spend 10 years in jail, part with a fine of Sh10 million or both if convicted of hacking into the IEBC electoral database, this form part of the proposed amendments in the Elections Offenses Bill.

The new Bill is designed at taming impunity in Kenya’s electoral management and will for the first time give IEBC powers to impound any state resources unlawfully used in an election campaign. The Bill, a product of the 14-man select committee on electoral reforms, also gives all employees time to vote – with full pay even in the private sector.

The Election Offenses Bill, 2016, was tabled in the bicameral Parliament yesterday and would be debated alongside the Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2016. “A person who, in relation to the electoral process intercepts, by technical means and without authorisation, any non-public transmission of computer data to, from, or within a computer system...commits an offense and shall be liable, on conviction, to a fine not exceeding Sh10 million or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 10 years or to both,” the Bill states.

In 2013, Cord alleged that the IEBC servers were hacked by Jubilee agents that led to the collapse of the result transmission system. In the Supreme Court, opposition chief Raila Odinga protested that Kencall, a call centre company, co-hosted both the IEBC’s server and that of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s TNA.

In March 2016, Kanu accused Jubilee of tampering with the Kericho Senatorial by-election and termed Senator Aaron Cheruiyot as “computer-generated”. In the new Bill, a copy of which the Star has obtained, public officers are barred from supporting any political party and could be jailed for up to three years for the offense. A candidate who uses national security organs such as the police to compel the electorate to support a particular candidate will also get six years behind bars.

“A candidate or any other person who uses a public officer, or the national security organs to induce or compel any person to support a particular candidate or political party commits an offense and is liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding Sh10 million or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six years or to both,” the Bill states.

IEBC has been investigating Energy Cabinet Secretary Charles Keter for openly campaigning in the Kericho polls, despite being a public officer. However, details of the probe remain unknown – five months after the March 2, 2016 mini-poll. The new proposed law bans any advertisement on achievements by both the national and county governments during the election period.

Cord has been accusing Jubilee of dangling state resources to lure its supporters and allegedly paying off its leaders to defect. The law requires governors, their deputies, MPs as well as MCAs to inform IEBC of state facilities allocated to them courtesy of their offices. However, clearly missing in the list of leaders to submit their list of assets to IEBC is the President and Deputy President.

Every employer, the Bill states, shall on polling day allow employees a reasonable period for voting, and no employer shall make any deduction from the pay or any penalty by reason of his absence during such period.

“An employer who directly or indirectly refuses, or by intimidation, undue influence, or in any other manner interferes with the granting to any voter in his employ of a reasonable period for voting commits an offense and is liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding Sh1 million or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six years or to both,” it states.

A person convicted of multiple registration as a voter shall serve a maximum of one year in jail or will be slapped with a fine not exceeding Sh1 million. But even after staying behind bars for 12 months, such an offender will not be allowed to vote in two subsequent elections.

Conservationists are putting demands on Kenya Wildlife Service to disclose all details on ongoing infrastructure developments inside parks.

Separately Friends of National Parks Coalition, Conservation Alliance of Kenya, Kenya United Against Poaching (KUAPO), Friends of Nairobi National Park (Fonnap) and communities living with wildlife in Kajiado county have accused the service for being used by the national government to endorse destruction of the parks that they should be protecting.

Past events where infrastructure projects like roads, rails, pipeline and power has been allowed through parks without public consultation nor following the law and the environment guidelines has put all protected lands at risk.

In particular Fonnap said events of a few weeks ago where Chinese contractors of the Standard Gauge Railway Phase 2 planted flags right across the middle of the park and flew helicopters over them, in an obvious survey of a railway route across the park, was a deeply worrying development and put the future of Nairobi National Park in uncertainty.

“The recent events caught us off-guard, we admit, and this new route is a whole lot worse than the route proposed in December 2015. It appears it will proceed from Syokimau through radio beacon, Mbuni picnic site, no.18 and on to Ongata Rongai - effectively slicing the park in half,” Reinhard Bonke from Fonnap said in an email to their members.

“Efforts by ourselves and the Conservation Alliance of Kenya to get information from relevant authorities have borne no fruit,” the mail added.

In December last year a proposed designed had shown the line running along the Southern Bypass near the Carnivore restaurant then pass through Hyena Dam, the Ivory Burning site, Narogomon dam and down to the Kingfisher picnic site.

From there, the line was to run to the Central Workshop opposite Multimedia University on Magadi road, skirt the tented Camp and forest area near Banda school, pass the KWS HQ before exiting at the Langata gate to Bomas through Karen to Lenana.

The Karen route was later dropped by Kenya Railway at a meeting with Karen Residents Association at the Karen Country Club in mid January 2016 on grounds that would require “unaffordable' compensation.

Even though the Karen route was viable KR MD Atanus Maina said it was improbable to pursue that option because of th enormous amount of disruption to human settlements, public facilities and commercial activities.

“At that time there was immense public pressure as every thing was in public domain, forcing the proponents of these project (KWS and KR) to adopt a more secretive approach, where only the chairmens and director generals are involved,” a source involved in the previous designing said adding that it had become easier for government to have projects through conservation areas as those who earlier were vocal against such projects in the protected areas are now behind endorsing and rolling out the projects.

“What they plan to do is perhaps keep everything under wraps and only shock the public by rolling out the project through the park. This tactics is aimed to get conservationists unawares with no room even to move to court to challenge,” the source added.

This comes as a source intimated to the Star that already a deal to have the phase 2 of the SGR cut through the park had been sealed and KWS had accepted Sh4 billion as compensation, despite earliest assurances by the KWS chairman that they would not have the line cut through the conservation areas.

“KWS leadership has become a let down and embarrassment to all Kenyans by abdicating their duty to care for our resources which they are supposed to hold in trust. Their silence in the face of these developments is therefore unacceptable,” Mordecai Ogada from Friends of National Park Coalition said adding that if there is any agreement with the developers that allows for constructions in the parks, then KWS is bound by the constitution to disclose the contents.

This is not the first time the park is facing such assaults, in July Kenya Wildlife Service agreed that the SGR could route through around 250 acres of the Nairobi National Park near Mlolongo to protect Alan Donovan's African Heritage House, later the Ministry of Transport and the Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) struck a deal allowing 89 acres of the park land hived off to pave way for completion of the Nairobi Southern Bypass, in exchange of cash compensation.

Recently the Kenya Electricity Transmission Company (KETRACO) erected gigantic electricity pylons inside the park, now shining across 8 kilometers along the eastern boundary as well The Kenya Pipeline Company (KPC) has installed its main transmission pipeline across the park from the southern tip to the northern boundary of the protected area - alongside the shiny electricity towers; with claims that claims that plans are in top gear to construct a major sewage pipeline from Ongata Rongai and its environs to Kitengela through the park.

“The projects contravene the Wildlife Conservation and Management Act of 2013 and the primary objective of protecting and preserving the unique wilderness, plans and animals found in the Park.They are clear indicators of careless development, insensitive to a special natural heritage of global repute,” Kahindi Lekalhaile from The “Friends of National Parks” Coalition said.

“We advocate for restoration of environmental integrity of all wildlife-protected areas under government custody, and, also, condemn the government for encroaching Nairobi National Park with impunity in the pretext of fostering economic development. Nairobi National Park is an indispensible natural heritage that deserves to be spared all such vagaries of irresponsible and insensitive development,” he added explaining that for KWS to condone such projects is a dereliction of its duty to hold wildlife and parks in trust for the Kenyan people terming it a betrayal and a contravention of national wildlife conservation ethics for Kenya.

“Government bodies such as KeNHA, KETRACO, KPLC, KPC etc., are fulfilling their mandate and achieving their stated goals. KWS has lost focus on its mandate and goals to protect the park, the wildlife and ensure the security of biodiversity in protected areas. It seems helpless to do its job!,” he said.

In a petition president Uhuru Kenyatta Olosirkon and other communities neighboring the park cautioned the president against being misled by KWS and KR officials on routing the line through the park.

“We the communities living with the wildlife would like to state very categorically that we are not opposed to the government infrastructure development projects such as SGR but we are opposed to such projects not being environmental sound—to protect our wildlife and natural resources as well as people's properties ,” the petition dated August 8 reads in part.

“We propose the SGR to be rerouted away from the populated areas of Kajiado East such as Olosirkon, Tual, Ongata Rongai and other developed areas but be passed through any other sparsely populated areas of Kajiado County,” it adds.

Conservation Alliance insists that from their technical perspective the proposed structures will effectively isolate a significant portion of the park to the West of the proposed line, diminishing an already severely limited wildlife habitat.

Steve Itela from Africa Network for Animal Welfare proposed that instead of having the line pass through the park it should be build on an elevated track over the Southern Bypass and follow existing line, or it should detour from Konza, to Isinya, to Ongata Rongai, to Gataka, Ngong before joining in the Naivasha line, or the old railway should be uprooted to pave way for the new line.

However when reached for comment KWS chairman Richard Leakey said the Government is yet to make a ruling on the route of the SGR adding that when it does we will be a part of an open forum to review whatever was decided. He said the decision on the actual route will be made probably before the end of this August.

Leakey denied that a Sh4billion deal has been sealed for SGR phase 2, explaining that the Sh4billion was tied to compensation for the SGR Phase 1 and that money will be paid into a Wildlife Endowment Fund where the funds rules will stipulate that only a part of any interest earned can be spent.

He further said the principal sum is to be set aside in perpetuity for the benefit of wildlife.

“For the moment I have nothing to add except I hope you will not fall into the trap of reporting rumour and sensationalist views of the ill informed. There are no secret deals at KWS that I am privy to,” he said.

At a glance

-Nairobi National Park was established 1946 as a seasonal park making it the oldest in East Africa.

-The park's acreage remained intact with the animals confined in 117.21 square kilometres (28,963 acres) until year 2014 when the bypass and the SGR projects started eating into the park.

-The Park is the only true wilderness area in a capital city in the world with the most visited wildlife protected area in Kenya and the fourth largest income earner amongst all wildlife national parks and reserves in the country.

-Over 150,000 tourists visit annually and generate about 60 million Kenya shillings per year. Most of the income comes from park entry fees. There are no lodges or hotels within the park.

-The park is a critical breeding sanctuary for the near-extinct black rhino and white rhino populations. The sanctuary is the most important supplier of individuals to for restocking other parks and sanctuaries in Kenya and parts of East Africa.

-The park hosts over 400 species of birds and over 45 species of mammals, including the famous big five animals. Some plants and animals found within the protected area are endemic while other are rare remnants of extinct ecological systems.

-Until recently, Nairobi National Park experienced wildebeest and zebra migration similar to the Mara-Serengeti migration. The migration ceased half a decade ago due to a combination of factors including loss of habitat and obstruction of migration routes by prolific land demarcation and fencing; rampant bush-meat poaching; and human-wildlife conflicts in neighboring Kitengela region of Kajiado County.

A KK Security employee has gone missing with the Sh25 million in foreign currencies that he transported from Mombasa to Nairobi.

Police said the worker identified as Hudson Nyasaka went missing last week on Tuesday after landing at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport.

They said Nyasaka collected the money in foreign currency, 50,000(US dollars), 98,500(Euros and Sh 90,000(Swiss Francs) in Nyali and was to deliver it to Trust Bank on Tuesday morning.

Police said his colleagues reported the matter two hours after he had left the airport that day.

Nyasaka had reportedly told his colleagues he would land at at 9.30 am yet he arrived at 7.30 am.

Police launched a search for the man in his rural home and other hideouts in vain.

Former President Mwai Kibaki was flown to South Africa yesterday for specialized treatment.

The retired President had spent the better part of Sunday at Karen hospital. But later in the evening, a statement from the family said that Kibaki had to be flown to South Africa, although they did not disclose what was ailing the 84-year-old Kenya’s third president.

Sources close to the family said Kibaki fell ill at his Muthaiga home on Saturday night and was taken to Karen hospital.

Unconfirmed reports indicated that the former President suffered a stroke.

The statement from the family said Kibaki was accompanied to SA by his doctor. “We expect him to return soon, and Kenyans will be informed of his progress as appropriate,” the statement read as they asked Kenyans to pray for him.

Kibaki romped into power when his coalition party Narc ended Kanu’s four-decade rule. He served for two terms but his second term was controversial after the disputed 2007 post election violence.

He retired to his Muthaiga home after the end of his reign and death struck the family early this year when his wife and former First Lady Lucy died at Bupa Cromwell Hospital in London.

Since then, Kibaki has appeared frail although he kept up with his diary and was appointed a special envoy by United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco).

OPPOSITION chief Raila Odinga will not endorse anyone for the Presidency without competitive nominations, his allies have warned, in what is likely to mar muted early celebrations in Musalia Mudavadi's ANC.

There have been reports that Raila could declare “Mudavadi Tosha” in 2017 and the ANC leader has created the buzz to market himself as the country's best, inside the opposition, for the top job.

But wide-ranging interviews with Raila's close allies and top ODM leaders painted a picture of a man who will not hang up his outsize political boots just yet.

Suna East MP Junet Mohamed was most categorical, saying negotiations within Cord are open but “must be on the basis that Raila is a Presidential candidate”.

“Any other insinuations are just figments of the imagination. And for the record, Raila will be on the ballot in 2017,” Mohamed, a close ally of the ODM supremo, told the Star yesterday.

Expert comment:Raila's stepping aside is a diversionary debate

ODM chairman John Mbadi claimed the Mudavadi narrative was being spun by the media and remained emphatic Raila remains the ODM 2017 candidate.

“I don't think there is any politician who has ever come out to say that Cord - or Raila for that matter - will endorse a Musalia-Kalonzo ticket. I think the media has been trying to fish for information,” Mbadi said.

“That decision [who will fly the Cord flag] hasn't been arrived at. We are not likely to announce who is the joint Presidential candidate until early 2017.”

But while key ODM leaders remain diplomatic, Raila's core supporters are increasingly becoming infuriated and feeling disenfranchised with all the endorsement talk.

The former Prime Minister has started an aggressive 2017 charm offensive to reawaken his strongholds and there is a feeling Mudavadi, Kalonzo Musyoka and Moses Wetangu'la aren't doing as much.

On Saturday, renowned ODM blogger and youth leader Dikembe Disembe wondered why Raila should navigate the “coastal heat” only to return to Nairobi to encounter the “endorse-me group”.

“Now Raila Odinga is navigating the heat and dust of Coast region reaching out to the grassroots and selling our progressive agenda then he will return to Nairobi only to watch press conferences of people wanting endorsements right from the comfort of their homes. Is it fair?”

The Cord leader was on an aggressive four-day offensive at the Coast and visited Kwale and Tana River, marketing Cord as Kenya's best choice to replace Jubilee, which he accuses of massive corruption.

“This government is not only corrupt but has no interest in ensuring devolution is successful,” Raila said at Hola Stadium on Saturday.

In an interview with the Star yesterday, Mohamed termed Musalia “a good man” and said they can form one coalition with him.

He however insisted that, as ODM, they would never compromise on Raila's 2017 candidature.

“We can compromise on any other thing, but not Raila's candidature...Among the people contesting in Cord, Raila is the most experienced, he has won elections twice but they were stolen from him and he is the only one leading a national political party with representation in seven regions,” he said.

Mohamed also argued that there is no guarantee the ODM bastions – including Nyanza, Coast, Western and Nairobi - will automatically vote for Cord if Raila is not on the ballot.

On Saturday, senior Luhya politicians kicked off a campaign to unite the community, with trade unionist Francis Atwoli hosting a key meeting to rally the region to vote for one Presidential candidate.

The attendants appeared buoyed by reports that Raila was willing to back Mudavadi.

“I need your support as a community to realise that dream [of becoming President]. I am not fighting Cord, but seeking to remove Jubilee from power. I want this to be clear,” Musalia said at Khwisero Girls’ Secondary on Saturday.

Even ODM rebel MPs from Western who have been openly working with Jubilee appeared to be excited by the prospect of a Mudavadi run endorsed by Raila.

“If Raila would back you, please don't refuse. We as members of your community will strongly back you,” stated Sirisia MP John Waluke.

Waluke ditched Raila two months ago, alongside Budalang’i MP Ababu Namwamba.

“Why should Raila be leaving the race for other people all the time, and he is aggressively working for it?” Nyando MP Fred Outa wondered. “What we need to be advocating for is to have a clean register. If we do, you will see Raila become the President of the Republic of Kenya.”

Opinion polls have shown that the former PM remains a clear favourite for the Opposition ticket to unseat President Uhuru Kenyatta in 2017.

However, there is a feeling, even among some of Raila's confidants, that his victory could be stolen once more.

“The exigencies demand Cord goes for the second-best candidate to save the country from all this malaise we are being confronted with. It’s time for Raila to support somebody else in 2017. It is the only fair thing to do at this time to save our dear country,” argued former Deputy Speaker Farah Maalim.

Maalim has been seen as among Raila's strongest supporters from Northeastern.

But yesterday, Mbadi dismissed all such talk, saying he wouldn't crucify Maalim for his opinion.

In June, an Ipsos poll indicated that 28 per cent of Kenyans would vote for Raila if elections were held then, with Kalonzo and Wetangu’la coming a distant third – only 2 per cent support.

Mudavadi was classified under “others”, at 2 per cent.

Within the Luhya community, Wetangu’la has insisted he is the best suited for the race for State House and has asked Mudavadi to instead back his bid.

“In Cord we are three Presidential candidates. Raila, Kalonzo and Weta [short for Wetangu’la]. Am sure the luck would fall on me. And I am asking my brother Musalia Mudavadi to enter Cord and support me,” he said.

Raila has categorically stated he is willing to step aside if there is a stronger candidate who would help send the Jubilee administration home.

“Must it be me? No! I am prepared to support others if they have better prospects of beating Jubilee hands down. The whole thing is that we must not allow Jubilee to get victory when the country is in such a mess,” he stated a fortnight ago.

Cord’s three co-principals formed a five-man team to decide through opinion polling the most popular Presidential candidate and running mate combination.

The team spearheading the poll includes Senators Johnson Muthama (Machakos), James Orengo (Siaya), Bonny Khalwale (Kakamega) and MPs Chris Wamalawa (Kiminini) and Timothy Bosire (Kitutu Masaba).

The poll's progress remains unclear.

Three-time world 1,500m champion Asbel Kiprop has attributed his poor show on the last day of the Olympic Games track programme on the absence of training-mate Elijah Manongoi.

Asbel clocked 3:50.87 to place a poor sixth in the race won by American Mathew Centrowitz in 3:50:00. Algeria’s Taoufik Makhloufi took silver in 3:50.11 followed by New Zealand’s Nicholas Willis in 3:50.24.

The other Kenyan in the race Ronald Kwemboi was last in 3:56.76.

Asbel said the absence of Manangoi had hindered their team tactics in the final hence the defeat.

“Manangoi is always a team player and things would definitely have been different if he had been in the race,” Kiprop added.

Manangoi bowed out of the event in the semi-finals after incurring an injury.

“Under normal circumstances, Manangoi is a front runner while I like trailing from the pack. In the absence of Manangoi, the race was too slow and my effort to try and speed things up were countered by our rivals,” he said.

He said whenever Manangoi is in the race, he takes it fast and this plays to his advantage.

“This time, the race was too slow for my comfort and you can even see the winning time was 3:50. I am a 3:29 runner” he noted.

Kiprop said he started the race at the back hoping it would be fast. “However, when a I realise that things were not changing, I tried to go in front in a bid to change the pace but I was blocked and pushed by Taoufik.

“Taoufik pushed me and this just messed up my tactics. I don’t blame him because that is how he is and people tend to apply all the bad tactics in a championship in a bid to win the race,” he asserted.

However, National Olympic Committee of Kenya launched an appeal over the pushing and we are waiting for the result.

Asked whether he will be looking to break the 1,500m record, Kiprop said as far as he is concerned, his season is as good as over and can only plan for next year.

He said he will defend his title at the London World Championships next year and after that, he will switch to 5000m.

“I intend to run my first major 5000m event at the Commonwealth Games in Gold Coast, Australia in 2018,” he said.

Kwemoi on the other hand said his chances went up in smoke after he was brought down just two laps into the race.

He said after falling, he used a lot of energy trying to close the gap but by the time he was settling in, his rivals unleashed a powerful kick to carry the day.

“I felt a sharp pain after the fall and couldn’t react with the rest of the field at the bell,” Kwemoi said.

He said he had hoped to run in Lausanne but will consult the doctor first on the way forward.

He asked Kenyans not to blame them for the defeat because they had a good strategy to win but their rivals had other ideas. Kwemoi said he will now focus on London and promised to make up for his loss here in Rio.

Mzee Kenyatta is acclaimed from all quarters of the world as a true son of Africa, a visionary leader. During his tenure, Kenya enjoyed political stability, and economic progress. In 1974, he declared free primary education up to primary grade 4. He is also remembered for urging Kenyans to preserve their culture and heritage.

As a true Pan-Africanist is reported that on Friday, October 24 1969, Jomo Kenyatta during his tour on Western Province to familiarise himself with the development in the province, upon reaching Nyanza and was shown Broderick Falls as a major key attraction became angry that after independence of Kenya the prominent tourist spots continued to bear names of foreigners.

He caused laughter when he asked: “Which Luhya man was called Broderick? Broderick was whose relative? A name is very important for identity. Which foreigner adopts your African names? If you want to domineer someone, conquer his intellect first and you will suppress him wholly.”

Following this directive, many roads bearing colonial names were changed. Plaques bearing names of colonial masters were similarly removed and the names changed.

For his unyielding fighting spirit, Kenyatta was described by former governor of Kenya Sir Patrick Renison as “the African leader to darkness and death”. He also shown the magnanimity of Africans and their willingness to forgive and forge ahead when after gaining independence he said although his government aimed to free itself from British colonialism, it would not try to avenge past injustices.

In 1909, Kamau joined Church of Scotland Mission, Thogoto, a Kikuyu town, north-west of Nairobi. He studied amongst other subjects: the Bible, English, mathematics and carpentry. He paid the school fees by working as a houseboy and cook for a white settler living nearby.

In 1912, he finished elementary school and became an apprentice carpenter. In 1913, he was circumcised at Nyogara stream near Thogoto Mission to become member of Kihiu Mwigi/Mebengi age group.

In 1914, he was baptised a Christian and given the name John Peter which he changed to Johnstone Kamau. He left the mission later that year to seek employment.

He first worked as an apprentice carpenter on a sisal farm in Thika, under the tutelage of John Cook, who had been in charge of the building programme at Thogoto.

During the First World War, when the British government was forcefully conscripting Africans into the army, Kenyatta took refuge in Narok where he lived with Maasai relatives and worked as a clerk for an Asian trader. After the war, he served as a storekeeper to a European firm and this time, he began wearing his beaded belt Kinyatta.

POLITICAL STRATEGY

When Kenyatta began working as a store clerk and water-meter reader for the Nairobi Municipal Council Public Works Department, once again under John Cook who was the Water Superintendent, his salary was about Sh250 per month. Meter reading helped him meet many Kenyan-Asians at their homes who would become important allies later on in his political life.

He entered politics after taking interest in the political activities of James Beauttah and Joseph Kang’ethe the leaders of the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA). He joined KCA in 1924 and rose up the ranks of the association. By 1926, he was the secretary of KCA. He was also chosen to represent the Kikuyu land problems before the Hilton Young Commission in Nairobi. This marked the beginning of his career in politics.

In 1929, the KCA sent Kenyatta to London to lobby on its behalf with regards to Kikuyu tribal land affairs. Using the name Johnstone Kenyatta, he published articles and letters to the editor in The Times and the Manchester Guardian. He returned to Kenya on September 24, 1930 and was welcomed at Mombasa by his wife Wahu and James Beauttah. He then took part, on the side of traditionalists, in the debate on the issue of female genital mutilation of girls. He later worked for Kikuyu Independent Schools in Githunguri

Kenyatta relocated to London in 1931 to present a written petition to parliament but ended up enrolling in Woodbrooke Quaker College in Birmingham. Discouraged by the lack of official response to the land claims he was putting forward, he began an association with British Communists, who published articles he wrote in their publications. Kenyatta met India’s Mahatma Gandhi in November 1932. After giving evidence before the Morris Carter Commission, he proceeded to Moscow to study Economics briefly at the Comintern School, KUTVU (University of the Toilers of the East) at the invitation of George Padmore, a radical West Indian. He was forced to return to Britain by 1933 when Padmore fell out with the Russians because “the Soviet Union (worried about Hitler’s growing power and seeing Britain and France as potential allies) withdrew its support for the movement against British and French colonial rule in Africa.” Back to England, Kenyatta continued with political campaigns against imperialism in Africa and his country.

In 1946, Kenyatta returned to Kenya after almost 15 years hibernation in abroad. He married for the third time, to Grace Wanjiku, Senior Chief Koinange’s daughter, and sister to Mbiyu Koinange (who later became a lifelong confidant and was one of the most powerful politicians during Kenyatta’s presidency).

Kenyatta then went into teaching, becoming principal of Kenya Teachers College Githunguri.

In 1947, he was elected president of the Kenya African Union (KAU). He began to receive death threats from white settlers after his election.

From 1948 to 1951 he toured and lectured around the country condemning idleness, robbery, urging hard work while campaigning for the return of land given to white settlers and for independence within three years.

FIGHT FOR INDEPENDENCE

The Mau Mau rebellion began in 1951 and KAU was banned, and a state of emergency was declared on October 20, 1952.

Kenyatta was arrested and indicted with five others on the charges of “managing and being a member” of the Mau Mau Society, a radical anti-colonial movement engaged in rebellion against Kenya’s British rulers. The accused were known as the “Kapenguria Six”. The trial lasted five months. The court sentenced Kenyatta on 8 April 1953 to seven years’ imprisonment with hard labour and indefinite restriction thereafter. The subsequent appeal was refused by the British Privy Council in 1954.

Kenyatta remained in prison until 1959, after which he was detained in Lodwar, a remote part of Kenya. On April 15, 1960, over a million signatures for a plea to release him were presented to the Governor. On May 14, 1960, he was elected Kanu president in absentia. On August 14, 1961, he was released and brought to Gatundu to a hero’s welcome.

On June 1, 1963, Mzee Kenyatta became prime minister of the autonomous Kenyan government. After independence, Queen Elizabeth II remained as Head of State (after Independence, styled as Queen of Kenya), represented by a Governor-General. He consistently asked white settlers not to leave Kenya and supported reconciliation.

The next year, he had Parliament amend the Constitution to make Kenya a republic. The office of prime minister was replaced by a president with wide executive and legislative powers. Elected by the National Assembly, he was head of State, head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. Under the provisions of the amendment, Kenyatta automatically became president.

Kenyatta was re-elected un-opposed in 1966, and the next year had the Constitution amended to expand his powers. This term featured border conflicts with Somalia, and more political opposition. He consolidated his power greatly, and placed several of his Kikuyu tribesmen in most of the powerful state and security offices and posts. State security forces harassed dissidents and were suspected of complicity in several murders of prominent personalities deemed as threats to his regime, including Pio Gama Pinto, Tom Mboya and JM Kariuki, MP and Lawyer CMG Argwings-Kodhek and former Kadu Leader and minister Ronald Ngala , also died in suspicious car accidents.

In the 1969 elections, Kenyatta banned the only other party, the Kenya People’s Union (formed and led by his former vice president, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga who had been forced to quit KANU along with his left leaning allies), detained its leaders, and called elections in which only KANU was allowed to participate. For all intents and purposes, Kenya was now a one-party state.

On January 29, 1970 he was sworn in as President for a further term. For the remainder of his presidency, Kenyatta held complete political control of the country. He made use of detention, appeals to ethnic loyalties, and careful appointment of government jobs to maintain his commanding position in Kenya’s political system. However, as the 1970s wore on, advancing age kept him from the day-to-day management of government affairs. He intervened only when necessary to settle disputed issues. His relative isolation resulted in increasing domination of Kenya’s affairs by well-connected Kikuyu who acquired great wealth as a result.

Kenyatta was re-elected as President in 1974, again as the only candidate. On November 5, 1974, he was sworn in as President for a third term. His increasingly feeble health meant that his inner circle effectively ruled the country, and greatly enriched themselves, in his name. He remained president until his death four years later in 1978.

Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, as he was popularly known, was an important and influential statesman in Africa. He is credited with leading Kenya to independence and setting up the country as a relatively prosperous capitalist state. He pursued a moderate pro-Western, anti-Communist economic philosophy and foreign policy. He oversaw a peaceful land reform process, oversaw the setting up of the institutions of independent Kenya, and also oversaw Kenya’s admission into the United Nations.

FAILURES

However, Kenyatta was not without major flaws, and did also bequeath Kenya some major problems which continue to bedevil the country to date, hindering her development, and threatening her existence as a peaceful unitary multi-ethnic state.

He failed to mould Kenya, being its founding father, into a homogeneous multi-ethnic state. Instead, the country became and remains a de facto confederation of competing tribes.

His authoritarian style, characterised by patronage, favouritism, tribalism and/or nepotism drew criticism and dissent, and set a bad example followed by his successors. He had the Constitution radically amended to expand his powers, consolidating executive power.

He is also criticised for having ruled through a post colonial clique consisting largely of his relatives, other Kikuyus, mostly from his native Kiambu district, Offspring of former colonial chiefs, and African Kikuyu colonial collaborators and their offspring, while giving scant reward to those whom most consider the real fighters for Kenya’s independence. This clique became and remains the wealthiest, most powerful and most influential class in Kenya to date.

Kenyatta has further been criticised for encouraging the culture of wealth accumulation by public officials using the power and influence of their offices, thereby deeply entrenching corruption in Kenya. He is regularly charged with having personally grabbed and accumulated huge land holdings in Kenya. “The regime of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, was riddled with land grabbing which was perpetrated by him for his benefit and members of his family...between 1964 and 1966, one-sixth of European settlers’ lands that were intended for settlement of landless and land-scarce Africans were cheaply sold to the then President Kenyatta and his wife Ngina as well as his children...throughout the years of President Kenyatta’s administration, his relatives friends and officials in his administration also benefited from the vice with wanton impunity.” a report by Kenya’s Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission was recently quoted as saying

His policies are also criticised for leading to a large income and development inequality gap in the country. Development and resource allocation in the country during his reign was seen to have favoured some regions of the country over others. His resettlement of many Kikuyu tribesmen in the country’s Rift Valley province is widely considered to have been done unfairly.

FINAL JOURNEY

President Kenyatta suffered a heart attack in 1966 and in the mid-seventies lapse into periodic comas lasting from a few hours to a few days from time to time. In April 1977, then well into his 80s, he suffered a massive heart attack.

On August 14, 1978, he hosted his entire family, including his son Peter Magana who flew in from Britain with his family, to a reunion in Mombasa. On August 22, 1978, President Kenyatta died in Mombasa of natural causes attributable to old age.

Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was buried on August 31, 1978 in Nairobi in a state funeral at a mausoleum on Parliament grounds.

He was succeeded as President after his death by his vice-president Daniel arap Moi.

Adapted from http://kwekudee-tripdownmemorylane.blogspot.co.ke

Opposition leader Raila Odinga today holds an urgent meeting of Cord MPs and governors to thrash out complaints the IEBC deal gives sweeping power to the President to pick the commission.

This and other proposals will be debated today in Parliament.

Some ODM members say James Orengo's team did not push Jubilee hard enough in the Joint Select Committee, so the ruling coalition got its way on many issues.

In the deal reached last week, President Uhuru Kenyatta Uhuru will be given a list of 11 candidates by the IEBC select committee and will choose seven for the seven-member commission. He will discard four names.

The deal to be approved by Parliament also gives the head of state power to pick one of two candidates as IEBC chairman.

The report publicly endorsed by ODM chief Raila — except for Uhuru's all-powerful role — sent shock waves through Cord. Critics say negotiators have tilted the 2017 race in Jubilee's favour.

The move has divided Cord and some MPs say they will kill the report and the committee's two bills to be debated today in the National Assembly and Senate.

Some Cord lawmakers have turned their guns on Orengo, accusing him of ceding too much ground to Jubilee, despite protests by some on his committee.

“After conducting interviews...the selection panel shall select two persons qualified to be appointed as chairperson and nine persons qualified to be appointed as members of the Commission and shall forward the names to the President for nomination of one person for appointment as the chairperson and six persons for appointment as members,” the Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2016, states.

Last Wednesday, Raila did endorsed recommendations by the IEBC committee but said the President should not play a role in appointing commissioners.

"I would not want the President to have a role in selecting IEBC commissioners but I hope he will find it necessary to consult me," he said.

It appears Raila's concern was not understood by the public, as the provision on the President's role is buried deep in the voluminousbill.

Grumbling opposition lawmakers are yet to come out publicly to talk about the President's powers.

“Raila himself is shaken to the core. Jakom couldn't believe Orengo allowed Uhuru to appoint commissioners,” a source familiar with behind-the-scene intrigues told the Star.

Suna East MP Junet Mohamed, a Cord negotiator, reportedly stormed out of a final session to protest concessions to Jubilee.

Today, Cord's Parliamentary Group meeting will be co-chaired by Raila, Wiper Leader Kalonzo Musyoka and Ford Kenya's Moses Wetang'ula. Issues in the report will be thrashed out.

The meeting, including Cord governors, will be held at historic Ufungamano House in Nairobi.

Already, six Nyanza MPs have rejected the report, saying only a new voter register can fix inaccuracies in the IEBC database.

The joint committee, however, endorsed a plan to have the register scrutinised in a forensic audit by a "firm of international repute".

ODM national chairman John Mbadi (Suba), Peter Kaluma (Homa Bay town), Opiyo Wandayi (Ugunja) Nicholas Gumbo (Rarieda) and Fred Outa (Nyando) opposed a forensic audit.

“We do not need a forensic audit.Our push for a new one is non-negotiable and the parliamentary team should have known this early enough,” Mbadi said last week.

Last year, Jubilee lawmakers slipped a provision into the Judicial Service Commission Act allowing Uhuru to chose the next Chief Justice from three nominees.

The provision was nullified by the High Court, declaring it unconstitutional and a violation of the principle of separation of powers.

Yesterday, lawyer Harun Ndumbi told the Star that ideally the IEBC selection panel should give Uhuru only seven names, recalling the High Court decision on CJ selection by the head of state.

“In order to ensure transparency and accountability, it's important the role of the President is reduced significantly so people can trust the institution that has been created,” Ndumbi said.

“They are giving him [Uhuru] powers to exercise discretion, which is partisan, and therefore in a sense the President becomes an interested party in the decisions he is making. This is why I think it was outrightly wrong because we are setting [up] a political crisis.”

In 2007 President Mwai Kibaki single-handedly picked members of the old Electoral Commission of Kenya. That decision is partly blamed for the country's descent into bloodshed after bungled presidential polls.

Cord initially had pushed for the new electoral body chosen by political parties in accordance with their numerical strength in Parliament. The opposition made concessions, however, agreeing the commission will be recruited by a panel of nine.

Four people would be nominated by the Parliamentary Service Commission, one would be nominated by the Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops.

The National Council of Churches of Kenya is to pick one person, while two would separately be nominated by the Evangelical Alliance of Kenya and the Hindu Council of Kenya.

The last person would be nominated by the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims, the National Muslim Leaders Forum and the Council of Imams and Preachers of Kenya.

But there are concerns, not expressed publicly, the church hierarchy involved are dominated by individuals from the Mount Kenya and likely to favour the President.

On Saturday, Orengo said those complaining Cord lost out in the negotiations were "locked in darkness of cynicism and skepticism”.

“You hypocrites! You unbelievers! The Report and Draft Bills are a result of hard negotiations carried out against the backdrop of great sacrifices and heroic struggles of our people who died for freedom,” Orengo said.

“Cord’s pathway to electoral victory has been safeguarded now and protected by a revolutionary change of the election laws that constitutes both a qualitative and quantitative leap in the electoral system."

A police officer has requested commissioner Ronald Musengi to take him to his wife so he can ask her to surrender her bank statement.

Chief inspector Policarp Ochieng said his first wife, Elizabeth, who is also in the police service, adamantly refused to give him the document.

"I have tried my best to no avail," Ochieng told the puzzled team during his vetting in Nakuru on Monday. "Come and assist me to talk to her so she can understand the need for it."

The officer based in Eldoret had been given two weeks to submit the his wife's statement to the commission.

But Musengi said the inspector's request could not be granted.

"That is not our mandate. Our work is to vet. You need to submit all the documents required,” he said.

Ochieng was also put to task concerning his business partners and their dealings; he had received money through M-Pesa on more than seven occasions

He said he and three of his colleagues were in the maize business.

But Musengi told him: “Your colleague Kennedy Rucho, who was vetted in the morning, said you were doing a guinea fowl business. What can you tell the commission?"

The officer said Rucho was trying to implicate him or to use his name to venture into businesses he did not know of.

Police officer Patrick Thairu, who is in charge of driving tests in Gilgil, was asked for the details of his A-level certificate, which did not tally with his transcript.

He said he lost his original certificate and paid for a certified copy but that it did not match the transcripts he was yet to submit.

The exercise began on Monday and will end on September 3. Three hundred and thirty officers from Rift Valley will be vetted.

Read: ‘Lean and mean lifestyle’ helped cop save Sh8m

Former President Mwai Kibaki is fine‚ family members said on Tuesday.

A visitor accompanying the family said Kibaki is recovering well at Johannesburg's Netcare Sunninghill Hospital.

The former statesman, who is in his 80s, was admitted at the hospital on Sunday evening after he reportedly suffered a stroke at his home in Muthaiga.

More on this: Retired President Mwai Kibaki flown to SA for specialised treatment

Family members, including his son Tony Kibaki and his daughter Judy, were seen walking in and out of his ward.

"Contrary to negative reports which have been doing the rounds saying he has passed on‚ he is recovering well and we expect him to be released soon‚" the visitor told Times Media journalist at the hospital.

Tests to determine the severity of Kibaki's condition were reportedly conducted and those who spoke to the press said he is "awake and talking".

Security at the ward is strict and only close family friends are allowed to see the former President.

"I know about his condition but I cannot tell you," a senior matron who declined to be name said.

"You need to consult the Kenyan embassy on that. I am expecting them this afternoon so they can update you," she added.

In May, Kibaki lost his wife and former First Lady Lucy Kibaki.

Lucy died at Bupa Cromwell Hospital in London.

Kibaki came into power when his coalition party, Narc, ended Kanu’s four-decade rule.

He served for two terms, although his second term was marred with controversy after the disputed 2007 election that sparked post election violence.

Kibaki was appointed a special envoy for water by Unesco in June.

Read: Kenya still needs you, Raila says in Kibaki get well soon message

Controversial runner Caster Semenya arrived home to South Africa on Tuesday after her predictably dominant victory in the women’s 800-metre race at Rio 2016.

The athlete handed her gold medal to her wife Violet Raseboya after arriving at the Johannesburg Airport following the row over her involvement in the Olympics.

Semenya, 25, who once had to undergo humiliating gender testing to prove she was female, took gold and set a new national record of one minute 55 seconds.

The airport was packed with fans, family and friends for the return of the athletes, but the biggest cheer and loudest singing was reserved for Semenya.

Semenya thanked fans who chanted her name - but, asked what she wanted to say to her critics, she answered: "I do not have the time for them."

She added: "It's great to be here and receive such a welcome. I will always do my best. I hope that in four years' time there will be even more people to fill the airport."

South Africa's 2016 Rio Olympics gold medalist Caster Semenya (C) is welcomed after arriving at the OR Tambo International Airport in Johannesburg, South Africa August 23,2016 /REUTERS

Semenya's ‘intersex’ condition of hyperandrogenism gives her testosterone levels that are three times those usually found in women and approaching those of a man.

She was once forced to take medicine to suppress her testosterone amid claims she had an unfair advantage, but the rules have since been challenged.

This means she can now run without the medication, and Britain’s Lynsey Sharp admitted yesterday that it was ‘difficult’ to race against Semeya.

Sharp, 26, finished sixth in the 800m final and has previously complained the South African’s condition resulted in ‘two separate races’.

Sharp, who ran a personal best, hinted that her feelings are shared by fellow athletes Melissa Bishop and Joanna Jozwik, who also missed out on medals.

The three embraced after the race in what Sharp said was a show of unity, adding: ‘We see each other week in, week out, so we know how each other feels.’

Meanwhile silver medallist Francine Niyonsaba and Margaret Wambui, who got a bronze, have also faced questions about their testosterone levels.

When Semenya first emerged on the scene she was forced to have gender testing and subjected to cruel comments about her appearance.

She has no womb or ovaries and instead, due to a chromosomal abnormality, internal testes.

Semenya spent 11 months on the sidelines while she had tests but was cleared to compete in 2010.

By this time the International Association of Athletics Federations had set a testosterone threshold.

It meant Semenya could run again if she took medicine to suppress her testosterone levels.

The ruling was then challenged by Indian runner Dutee Chand, who also has hyperandrogenism.

In 2015, the Court of Arbitration for Sport suspended the rules for two years, meaning Semenya could come off the medication.

Critics agree the way she has been treated has shamed the sport, and harks back to 1966 when female competitors at the European Athletics Championship were subjected to a ‘nude parade’ past three gynaecologists.

Semenya has previously said: "I think sports are meant to unite people. It’s not about being more muscular, it’s all about sport."

Cord leader Raila Odinga will make a fourth stab at the presidency — and all options are open.

Speculation has swirled about his intentions. He could run as ODM flagbearer, the Cord candidate or head of new super alliance.

Although Raila has not officially declared his candidature, close allies, including Suna East MP Junet Mohammed, have made it clear Raila will be on the ballot next year.

He has been seeking out Amani National Congress coalition leader Musalia Mudavadi and there's talk of cooperation and an alliance.

But the former Prime Minister's main objective now is to fortify, broaden and revamp his ODM party.

This time around, the opposition leader is leaving nothing to chance as he prepares to run again.

"His options are wide open. First we want to strengthen ODM party. Then we can negotiate with anyone, including President Uhuru Kenyatta," ODM chairman John Mbadi said yesterday.

After successfully getting rid of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission members, whom he accused of bias in favour of the ruling Jubilee alliance, Raila is focussed on rebuilding ODM as he explores various options.

"The political landscape will change dramatically as we head to 2017. What you see today may not be the case because I can tell you for sure Raila and his close allies are scheming to be in government," a close aide said.

Raila was the Cord presidential candidate in the last election and his two co-principals, Wiper's Kalonzo Musyoka and Ford Kenya's Moses Wetang'ula also want to be the Cord flagbearer.

The former Prime Minister's handlers previously told the Star that Raila has at least five options: Keep the coalition intact and run for President; relinquish his fourth run for the presidency, act the elder statesman and back another candidate; form a new coalition and run for President as its head; go it alone as ODM chief, aiming to become either leader of the majority or minority in Parliament. That would give him bargaining power in government. The last option is to finally hang up his boots and quit politics.

Yesterday Cord chief executive officer Norman Magaya said the three Cord co-principals had agreed to strengthen their parties and broaden the Cord coalition to form a super alliance.

"Cord is the only option. The co-principals have an internal agreement to strengthen affiliate parties and broaden the coalition framework with the possibility of forming a super alliance," Magaya said.

Raila is fresh from touring parts of the Coast where he met ODM leaders and urged residents to renew their membership in his party.

This weekend he will head to Turkana for a meeting with the county ODM chiefs before attending the Turkana Cultural Festival.

From Turkana, he will head to vote-rich Kakamega county where he will meet grassroots ODM leaders and assure them that he is strong, his appeal is broad and he is not too old to run again. Raila is 71.

Yesterday Kakamega governor and ODM deputy Leader Wycliffe Oparanya said Raila's tour will be strictly an ODM affair.

"ODM, which is the single largest party in the country, offers the best chance for the Luhya community to ascend to power. Our best bet as a community is to stay in ODM and position ourselves to use it" as a ladder.
"Kenya is big, divided and complex. We will navigate it using a large party that has learnt the art of navigation, not through a party struggling in one or two counties. Our community will follow an arrangement that enhances its chances and uplifts rather than diminishes the stature of its leaders," Oparanya said.

Raila is unique in having run for President on three occasions, representing three different parties. A populist in style, he is a keen Arsenal fan and is known to rouse political rallies using football analogies.

"He has started identifying team members in his key strongholds. Once the ODM party nominates him as the presidential candidate, Raila will then pick his final team to take on Kenyatta," a senior aide said.

Insiders say Raila wants to craft his campaign to resemble the 2002 Narc machine that brought President Mwai Kibaki to power by creating a “summit” uniting key party and regional leaders.

Narc brought together Kibaki’s DP, the Liberal Democratic Party then led by Raila, Wamalwa Kijana’s Ford Kenya and Charity Ngilu’s Social Democratic Party.

The unity of purpose at that time saw the opposition trounce Kanu’s Uhuru Kenyatta, despite the powerful Moi state machine supporting him.

Raila hopes to further strength his ODM party by holding grassroots elections in places where party positions are vacant.

Reserved, observant and cool fellow is how most childhood friends of Kenyan-born governor-designate of Reserve Bank of India, Urjit Patel remember him.

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi settled on Patel, 52, three days ago, after months of speculations over who will replace outgoing governor Raghuram Rajan's.

Rajan is scheduled to leave office on September 4, catapulting the former student of Jamhuri High School, Urjit to the helm of RBI - India's central bank.

"He was a very observant guy who would study situations and people before making his deductions. He was also a very calculating person," recalls his friend Minesh Patel who operates a business at Industrial area.

Patel's father was a business partner to Urjit's late father Ravindra Patel who owned Rexo Products, a chemical company.

Umrit, described by analysts and the media as being very "hawk-eyed" on inflation matters, attended Visa Oshwal Primary School in Parklands.

He lived with his parents near Desai Road in Ngara before leaving Kenya for the UK and later the US for his graduate studies. Urjit, a well-educated economist, completed his Bachelor’s Degree in Economics from the London School of Economics, and proceeded to study Master of Philosophy from Oxford University in 1986, and a PhD from Yale University in 1990.

Between1990 to 1995, he worked at the IMF as a Kenyan citizen where he was in charge of the US, India, Myanammar and Bahamas desks.

In 2013, however, he applied for an Indian passport after which he was named deputy RBI governor on recommendations of then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.

"He has very big shoes to fill given that the former governor was considered like a 'rockstar' with policies that led to positive macroeconomic results," said financial analyst Aly Khan Satchu.

"It appears his appointment is Modi's way of seeking to exert more control of the RBI given he (Urjit) is an appointee of the prime minister, I mean how free is he to carry out his role?" he posed.

Like his Kenyan counterpart, Central Bank governor Patrick Njoroge, Urjit is a bachelor. He currently lives in Mumbai with his mother who is in her 80s.

The doping menace is deeply entrenched in Kenyan sports, far much more than what is in the public domain.

Professor Moni Wekesa, who has been involved in anti-doping activities in Kenya, said there are various forms of doping rampant in Kenyan sports.

Wekesa, who was the chairman of the Kenya Anti-Doping Task Force which released a damning report in 2014, attributed this to the large amounts of money that has been invested in the sports industry lately.

“Sports is slowly becoming a big money industry in Kenya as opposed to the early years of the country’s participation in international competitions in the 1960s and 1970s,” said Wekesa.

“It is the human desire to always do better than the competition, a major drive that makes people want to dope, excel and bask in the glory of winning. In respect to sports, it goes beyond that. In sports, winning is big money.”

For example, he added, in major sports disciplines, winners get prize money and above that, they get endorsements from major companies.

Some countries, like Russia who are currently under suspension by the International Olympic Committee, engage in systematic doping just to prove to the world they are the best, Wekesa said.

origin

“This is a phenomena that started after World War II, where the communist countries wanted to show the capitalists that their system is much better and more organised,” he said.

Wekesa said doping crept into Kenya in the 1990s, the same period when big sports monies started trickling into the country.

The vice, he added, is now entrenched in the Kenyan sports fabric and not only in athletics, as it has been largely thought. However, this varies from sport to sport.

In Kenya, he said, darts is referred to as ‘game ya walevi’ (the drunkards’ game) since players usually take a bottle or two of alcohol before competition which amounts to an anti-doping violation.

“Alcohol helps cool down the nerves and thus the participants will not suffer the shakes on their hands as they aim for their target thus resulting in better performance,” he observed.

In boxing and football, bhang (marijuana) and other stimulants are commonly used since it helps alleviate pain and therefore participants can continue long into their matches. It also helps minimise the onset of fatigue.”

“The intake of such drugs is a culture usually considered ‘normal’ within Kenyan sports,” said Wekesa. “It is a culture, that cropped into sport, especially football a long time ago. Some of the team managers and officials went through the system and therefore think it is normal and thus encourage their players to do it. It is not shocking that it (marijuana) is smoked in the changing rooms,” he alleged.

“Some officials encourage their use for they want their teams/clubs to stay at the top while the players want to ‘shine’ before a capacity crowd and eventually be the ‘best players’. In their minds, they might not be aware that they are doping.”

He observed that in explosive events like weight-lifting, bodybuilding, sprints, jumps and throws, participants use anabolic steroids disregarding their after effects.

He observed that in track and field, the scenario is totally different.

Kenya has the reputation of being one of the best in country running way back to the time they first featured in the Olympic Games in the 1960s.

“During that time, there was no money and athletes were using their raw talent to compete but the rest of the world had already started doping,” he said.

However, things have drastically changed in Kenya following the flow of huge amounts of money in athletics especially in the last two decades.

“This onset has seen athletes rake in a lot of money, built big houses, bought tracts of land, big cars, keeping huge herds of cattle and now others want to run and become rich today (immediately),” he said.

“The role model has gone beyond winning to living opulent lifestyles. This prompts the young/upcoming athletes or those who are yet to make it, use prohibited substances to improve on their performances.”

In addition, he observed the phenomenon of foreign agents and managers has not helped the situation.

“These foreign agents are not missionaries. They are in it for the pay. As a result, some induce their athletes into using prohibited substances to enable them win and thus receive their cut (percentage fee),” he said.

He observed that some of the agents work with other individuals to achieve this.

“There is a racket involving a number of people deliberately helping these athletes dope,” he said adding: “If you ask me if we have clean athletes in Kenya today, my answer is ‘I don’t know. Only time will tell. Reason? The whole system is marred up now, totally mixed up.”

Over 40 Kenyan athletes have been banned/suspended for using performance enhancing drugs since the 1990s.

And contrary to what Kenyans have been made to believe, it is not the young/upcoming sportsmen and women, moreso in athletics, who are engaging in the vice.

“Rita Jeptoo and Matthew Kisorio cannot be referred to as athletes of low cadre,” he said. “This was just a line of defense that was being used by Athletics Kenya to cover up doping. Subsequent research has shown it cuts across both upcoming and established runners.”

However, Wekesa remains optimistic that the anti-doping war is heading in the right direction.

“For over 50 years, we thought we were ok! We thought we had the best natural talent. We thought doping is for the ‘whites’. Little did we know that the menace is deeply rooted within us,” said Wekesa.

“We now have an anti-doping law in place (The Anti-Doping Act 2016 ) and recent prosecution of various individuals clear indicates the government doesn’t want doping in our sports,” he observed.

Italian manager Federico Rosa, coach Claudio Berradelli, medical practitioner Stephen Tanui, Daniel Cheribo, Samson Kiprotich, Ken Kipchumba, Joseph Karuri and Team Kenya manager to the 2016 Rio Olympics Richard Rotich have all been charged in a court of law with doping related charges.

“All these activities have happened within the first three months of the law’s existence and can I comfortably say we are on track,” said Wekesa.

Kenya was recently cleared by the World Anti-Doping Agency from a list of non-compliant nations and thus the Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya is allowed to carry out its mandate without any restrictions under the auspices of the WADA.

“However, this does not mean that Kenya is clean,” said Wekesa.

Some nations and individuals have been advocating for life time bans on first-time doping offenders but Wekesa observed this was not necessary.

“I think some people are overreacting. The suspension of four years for first offence, eight years for a second and life time ban for third are punitive enough,” he said. “It would be difficult for athletes to make successful comebacks after four years of isolation. However, I would like officials, coaches and managers who induce athletes into the vice to be banned for life.”

“Banning this group for four years doesn’t make sense since they will not be working hard on their comeback.”

In addition to an individual falling into the wrong side of the law, Wekesa observed that the side effects of using some of the substances outweighs the gains by far.

He observed that large scale use of Erythropoietin (EPO) could be the answer to the sudden deaths of athletes either in competition or in training.

Health risks

According to www.nationaldrugstrategy.gov.au, the use of EPO is believed to increase oxygen absorption, reduce fatigue and improve endurance by increasing the rate of red cell production (erythrocytes). It is also increases the metabolism and the healing process of muscles because the extra red cells carry more oxygen and nutrients.

In someone who already has normal levels of red blood cells, use of EPO can lead to increased thickening (or viscosity) of the blood leading to clotting, thrombosis, heart attack and stroke.

For anabolic steroids, the side effects include onset of cancers, development of male-like characteristics in women, sterility in men and eventually, early death.

Wekesa warned: “Anybody involved in doping had better stop. The Kenyan law is one of the best in the world since it combines both the sporting sanctions and the criminal justice system. WADA code tries to protect athletes from the criminal justice system but in Kenya, they are not spared. This makes doping a risky business in Kenya.”

Who has been suspended

The first documented positive dope test from a Kenyan runner involved marathon runner Cosmas Ndeti who was banned for three months after a positive Ephedrine test during the 1988 world cross country championships.

In 1993, John Ngugi was suspended for missing a doping test, which amounted to an anti-doping violation while William Tanui tested positive for Ephedrine but was lucky not to face a suspension.

Since then, almost 50 Kenyan runners, mostly in distance running, have had adverse returns on their tests with the last one decade witnessing the bulk of the cases.

Top on the list are the suspensions of former Boston and Chicago marathon champion Rita Jeptoo, currently serving a four-year suspension for a positive Erythropoietin (EPO) test.

Road runner Lilian Marita is the biggest casualty of the menace as she was, in December last year, slapped with an eight-year ban for a second anti-doping violation featuring a prohibited anabolic agent.

Two-time world cross champion Emily Chebet (Furosemide), Agatha Jeruto (Norandrosterone), Francisca Koki (Furosemide) and Joyce Zakari (Furosemide) are all out serving four-year suspensions.

Wilson Loyanae, Rita Jeptoo, Pamela Chepchumba, Julia Muraga and Ronald Rutto were recipients of two year bans for positive EPO tests

Mathew Kisorio, Rael Kiyara, Elizabeth Muthuka, Janet Ongera, Agnes Jepkosgei, Bernard Mwendia, Judy Kimunge, Joyce Jemutai, Mutai Julius, Mutinda Joseph, Isaac Kemboi, Benjamin Kiprop, Philip Kandie, Tanui Stephen, Nyankabaria James, Jepkoech Chepkorir, Kiplimo Jacqueline, Chepkorir Emily and Viola Kimetto have served or are serving two-year bans for positive Norandrosterone returns.

Other athletes who have been caught violating dope rules are Delilah Asiago, Flomena Chepchirchir (six months), Susan Chepkemei (Salbutamol one year), Pauline Kahenya (Prednisone one year), Simon Kemboi (Nandrolone), Sammy Mutahi (public reprimand, disqualification of results), Cyrus Gichobi (eight months), David Munyasia (Cathine), Stephen Kibet (two years), Elizabeth Chelagat (two years), Ndirangu Alice (Clenbuterol two years), Kipkurui Benjamin (Methylprednisolone 3 months), Lydia Cheromei (Clomiphene).

A female police officer identified as corporal Gaudencia Wausi, attached to the JKIA police station has shot herself dead.

The officer is said to have reported back to work from leave on Tuesday.

"She went to the radio room where her male colleagues were and left her phone, baton and cap on the table. She walked out and went to the toilet, locked herself in and shot herself once in the head and died," an officer who sought to remain anonymous said.

Read:AP officer kills himself in front of his boss

He said she locked herself at the old airport arrivals wing that burnt down in a fierce fire in 2013.

It is not clear why she shot herself. Investigations have been launched.

Read; KDF soldier kills girlfriend, self after getting dumped

Also read; Nyandarua cop kills self with own gun

President Uhuru Kenyatta has finally assented to the Banking Amendment Act 2015 as passed by parliament in July.

The law will cap commercial interest rates at 400 basis points above the central bank’s benchmark rate, which currently stands at 10.5 per cent.

At the current rate a borrower will get a loan at 14.5 per cent, (CBR 10.5+4 (Proposed cap).

In a statement on Wednesday, Uhuru said he had assented to the bill to end frustrations centred around the cost of credit and the applicable interest rates on their hard–earned deposits.

"I have consulted widely and it is clear to me from those consultations that Kenyans are disappointed and frustrated with the lack of sensitivity by the financial sector, particularly banks," the President said.

Read:Whole nation would benefit if Uhuru signed interest rates bill

Uhuru said the government will implement the new law, noting the difficulties that it would present.

He said foreseen challenges might include credit becoming unavailable to some consumers, and the possible emergence of unregulated informal and exploitative lending mechanisms.

"We will closely monitor these difficulties, particularly as they relate to the most vulnerable segments of our population and also accelerate other reform measures necessary to reduce the cost of credit and thereby create the opportunities that will move our economy to greater prosperity," he said.

The President has been under pressure to sign the bill to law.

Some MPs are on record urging him to sign an interest rates Bill, claiming the reaction from banks to the proposed law by offering Sh30 billion in cheap loans to small businesses is a mere gimmick meant to hoodwink Kenyans.

However, bankers had warned that small borrowers will be excluded from accessing credit if Uhuru assented the amendments to the bill.

The Kenya Bankers Association said plans to cap interest rates will force banks to deal with individuals and institutions deemed to have a better credit score, locking out millions of Kenyans.

More on this: Banks cut rates in fear of interest capping bill

The Bill, which was sponsored by Kiambu Town MP Jude Njomo, will help regulate interest rates that are applicable to banks’ loans and deposits, capping the interest rates that banks can charge on loans and must pay on deposits.

Tom Cholmondeley, the fifth heir of the Delamere family, was laid to rest in an emotional ceremony held on Friday at his Soysambu farm.

The remains of the aristocratic who died last week while undergoing a hip-operation at MP Shah hospital were interred around 5pm next to the grave of his grandfather.

Baringo Senator Gideon Moi and former AG Charles Njonjo were some of the key personalities present.

Others present were Nakuru Governor Kinuthia Mbugua, Gilgil MP Nderitu Mathenge and former business partners of the late farmer.

Lord Hugh George Delamere and his wife Lady Ann Delamere spoke in praise of their son at the funeral.

Read: Tom Cholmondeley, much misunderstood, eulogised in heartfelt messages

Kinuthia said the death was a big loss not only to the family but also to the county. He characterised Cholmondeley as as an industrious man.

The governor said that Cholmondeley had big plans for the county adding that his government would continue working with the Delamere family.

“It’s really sad and painful that Tom had to die at his prime age and when he had big plans for the county and I take this opportunity to console the family at this painful time,” he said.

More on this: Tom Cholmondeley death big blow to Naivasha economy - MP Kihagi

A family friend, Phillip Coulson, narrated fond memories of the late farmer.

“Just like others boys he loved motorbikes, fun and the parents have fond memories of him,” Coulson said in the short eulogy.

Cholmondeley leaves behind two teenage boys and a fiancée Sarah Dudnesh.

At the time of his death, Tom was the director and heir of the vast Delamere estates which is involved in livestock production and growing of various livestock feeds.

According to a source in the family and who declined to be named, Tom had been suffering from hip complications for the last two years.

The source added that the deceased was involved in accident while riding a motorcycle in the UK a couple of years ago.

In May 2005, Tom shot dead a KWS ranger Samson Ole Sisina who had gone to his Soysambu farm to search for game meat.

More on this: Cholmondeley's family compensates KWS ranger's wife ahead of Friday burial

The Attorney General (AG) then Amos Wako later terminated the murder case in a move that drew condemnation from various quarters.

Later in April 2006, he shot dead Robert Njoya and was arrested and during the three-year trial held at the High court in Nairobi, Cholmondeley was held in Kamiti prison.

He was jailed for eight months at the Kamiti Maximum Security Prison.

Cholmondeley did not serve the full term as prison officials said that it was normal for those with less than six months left on their sentence to be released early for good behavior.